{"title":"Popolo ma non troppo. Il malinteso democratico Yves Mény, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2019. 210p., €15 (paperback)","authors":"F. Chiapponi","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.21","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Over the past two decades, probably no topic in the field of political science has received as much attention as contemporary populism. From general theoretical essays, to contributions on populist parties, especially in European political systems, as well as studies focusing on populist leadership, communication or style, we now have impressive literature devoted to the description and interpretation of this phenomenon. Yves Mény, former lecturer at SciencesPo and President of the European University Institute in Florence and then of the Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna in Pisa, has in fact inaugurated this prolific line of research by publishing, together with Yves Surel, Par le peuple, pour le peuple. Le populisme et les démocraties (Paris, Fayard, 2000), a milestone text for the scientific study of populism. In short, the latter suggested that the causes of the ‘populist mobilization’ affecting European democracies should be sought in the factors that shaped their construction after World War II, especially in the ‘imbalance’ between the ‘constitutional’ (rule of law, checks and balances) and the ‘popular’ (popular sovereignty lightened by the principle of representation) pillars. Popolo ma non troppo can be seen both as a reprise and an extension of this general reasoning, mainly focused on democracies themselves: indeed, the study does not start from the observation of the success of populist parties and movements, in order to then simply search for the explanatory factors in the structural characteristics of democratic regimes. Rather, the analytical trajectory set out by Mény aims first of all to specify the developments (historical, socio-economic, political) that have forged the ‘democratic bricolage’ (Chap. 2), emphasizing the hybrid character of the political systems that, in both Europe and the United States, have gradually replaced the ancien régime. The structure of the book fully reflects this research agenda. From the point of view of the topics addressed, it can be roughly divided into two parts. The first (Chapters 1–4) portrays the stages that marked the advent of mass democracy, particularly the differentiation of two paths of integration of the ‘people’ – a concept that is polysemic by nature – in the democratic project, a perennial ‘work in progress’. The path typical of the Anglo-American systems could be defined as ‘realist-pragmatic’. Here, the ‘people’ means a collection of citizens and social groups, who must be guaranteed the freedom to pursue their legitimate interests and exercise their rights, including sovereignty. These actions lead to accentuated social and political competition. Instead, the ‘Franco-continental’ path constitutionalizes the ‘abstract’ myth of the (sovereign) people, which, at a certain point in history, the convenience of the political elites will conduct to identify as a ‘nation’. This second development confers inalienable rights on the people but severely limits their actual exercise, thus creating a ‘gap’ between the solemn proclamation of the principle of popular sovereignty and its practical realization – the French and Italian constitutions show emblematic illustrations of this evolution. In the countries where the Franco-continental path has reached more advanced levels, the gap thus created between the mythical image of the","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7000,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.21","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Over the past two decades, probably no topic in the field of political science has received as much attention as contemporary populism. From general theoretical essays, to contributions on populist parties, especially in European political systems, as well as studies focusing on populist leadership, communication or style, we now have impressive literature devoted to the description and interpretation of this phenomenon. Yves Mény, former lecturer at SciencesPo and President of the European University Institute in Florence and then of the Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna in Pisa, has in fact inaugurated this prolific line of research by publishing, together with Yves Surel, Par le peuple, pour le peuple. Le populisme et les démocraties (Paris, Fayard, 2000), a milestone text for the scientific study of populism. In short, the latter suggested that the causes of the ‘populist mobilization’ affecting European democracies should be sought in the factors that shaped their construction after World War II, especially in the ‘imbalance’ between the ‘constitutional’ (rule of law, checks and balances) and the ‘popular’ (popular sovereignty lightened by the principle of representation) pillars. Popolo ma non troppo can be seen both as a reprise and an extension of this general reasoning, mainly focused on democracies themselves: indeed, the study does not start from the observation of the success of populist parties and movements, in order to then simply search for the explanatory factors in the structural characteristics of democratic regimes. Rather, the analytical trajectory set out by Mény aims first of all to specify the developments (historical, socio-economic, political) that have forged the ‘democratic bricolage’ (Chap. 2), emphasizing the hybrid character of the political systems that, in both Europe and the United States, have gradually replaced the ancien régime. The structure of the book fully reflects this research agenda. From the point of view of the topics addressed, it can be roughly divided into two parts. The first (Chapters 1–4) portrays the stages that marked the advent of mass democracy, particularly the differentiation of two paths of integration of the ‘people’ – a concept that is polysemic by nature – in the democratic project, a perennial ‘work in progress’. The path typical of the Anglo-American systems could be defined as ‘realist-pragmatic’. Here, the ‘people’ means a collection of citizens and social groups, who must be guaranteed the freedom to pursue their legitimate interests and exercise their rights, including sovereignty. These actions lead to accentuated social and political competition. Instead, the ‘Franco-continental’ path constitutionalizes the ‘abstract’ myth of the (sovereign) people, which, at a certain point in history, the convenience of the political elites will conduct to identify as a ‘nation’. This second development confers inalienable rights on the people but severely limits their actual exercise, thus creating a ‘gap’ between the solemn proclamation of the principle of popular sovereignty and its practical realization – the French and Italian constitutions show emblematic illustrations of this evolution. In the countries where the Franco-continental path has reached more advanced levels, the gap thus created between the mythical image of the
在过去的二十年里,政治学领域可能没有哪个话题像当代民粹主义那样受到如此多的关注。从一般的理论文章,到对民粹主义政党的贡献,特别是在欧洲政治体系中,以及对民粹主义领导、沟通或风格的研究,我们现在有令人印象深刻的文献致力于描述和解释这一现象。Yves Mény,前SciencesPo讲师,佛罗伦萨欧洲大学研究院院长,后来又是比萨圣安妮学院院长,事实上,他与Yves Surel、Par le pepeuple、pour le peuple一起出版了这一多产的研究成果,开创了这一研究领域。《民粹主义与民主》(巴黎,法亚德,2000年),民粹主义科学研究的里程碑式文本。简言之,后者建议,影响欧洲民主国家的“民粹主义动员”的原因应该从二战后塑造民主国家建设的因素中寻找,特别是在“宪法”(法治、制衡)和“人民”(代表权原则减轻的人民主权)支柱之间的“不平衡”中。Popolo ma non troppo可以被视为这一一般推理的重演和延伸,主要关注民主国家本身:事实上,这项研究并不是从观察民粹主义政党和运动的成功开始,然后简单地寻找民主政权结构特征的解释因素。相反,梅尼提出的分析轨迹首先旨在具体说明形成“民主拼凑”的发展(历史、社会经济、政治)(第2章),强调欧洲和美国逐渐取代旧制度的政治制度的混合特征。该书的结构充分反映了这一研究议程。从所涉及的主题来看,它大致可以分为两个部分。第一章(第1-4章)描述了标志着大众民主出现的阶段,特别是在民主项目中,“人民”的两种融合路径的分化,这是一个本质上是多义性的概念,这是长期的“正在进行的工作”。英美体系的典型路径可以被定义为“现实主义实用主义”。在这里,“人民”是指公民和社会团体的集合,必须保障他们追求合法利益和行使包括主权在内的权利的自由。这些行动导致社会和政治竞争加剧。相反,“佛朗哥大陆”道路将(主权)人民的“抽象”神话宪法化,在历史的某个时刻,政治精英们会为了方便而将其视为一个“国家”。第二个事态发展赋予人民不可剥夺的权利,但严重限制了人民的实际行使,从而在庄严宣布人民主权原则和实际实现人民主权原则之间造成了“差距”——法国和意大利宪法展示了这一演变的象征性例证。在佛朗哥大陆道路达到更先进水平的国家