The Crisis of Inequality and the Crisis of Equality

IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Urban Policy and Research Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI:10.1080/08111146.2022.2058483
Kurt Iveson
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Abstract

It’s wonderful to have someone of Steve Dovers’ calibre provoke us to think about both the big picture of inequality in Australia, and the measures and movements that might be powerful in addressing it. The picture of growing wealth inequality that Steve paints for us in his Patrick Troy lecture is certainly grim. And as he notes, more could have been said about other inequalities that intersect with wealth inequalities – not the least gendered inequalities (so stark in the impacts of COVID on lost income and employment, for instance) and racialised inequality (certainly a feature of the housing market and public space policing during COVID here in Sydney, where I live and work). In responding to his provocation, I want to say something about the relationship between this crisis of inequality and what we might call a crisis of equality, and suggest that our work has to attend to both of those related but distinct crises. Steve’s indignation about inequality – an indignation that was also characteristic of Patrick Troy – is accompanied by a sense of frustration. He points out that inequality seems to persist in the face of widespread knowledge about its extent, and in the face of oft-repeated proposals for reform that struggle to get traction despite mountains of evidence that supports them. This disconnect is itself worthy of interrogation, as both Steve and Kate do in their contributions. Rosanvallon (2013) made a similar point a few years ago in his book The Society of Equals. That book tried to grapple with that fact that “inequalities have never before been so widely discussed while so little was being done to reduce them” (2013, p. 2). Pointing out inequality, he says, loses its power in part because there is now a widespread acceptance of inequalities as natural or inevitable. It’s not so much that we deny the existence of inequality, it’s that we deny any injustice in that inequality. Instead, inequality is explained as a result of just deserts and moral failure of the poor, or of the incapacity for the autonomy of the colonised and the racialised and the differently abled, or of the inexorable logic of some process (globalisation, neoliberalisation, etc.) over which we have no power, and which it’s just not realistic to challenge. So for Rosanvallon, the problem is not just that we’ve got a crisis of inequality, it’s that “we face a crisis of equality”. What’s at the heart of that crisis? “The word has somehow become detached from experience, so that it no longer clearly indicates battles that must be fought or goals that need to be achieved” (2013, pp. 7–8, emphasis added). Hence, our job is not only to catalogue inequalities. He argues that “there is no more urgent task than that of restoring the idea of equality to its former glory” (2013, p. 8). Importantly, the “restoring” the idea equality is not just a “looking back” to the meanings of equality that were established in history. No, “we must also go further and rethink the whole idea of equality itself” (2013, p. 10). How do we do that? We have for inspiration and guidance the incredible work of feminist, queer, anti-racist and anticapitalist scholars who have been rethinking the very meaning of equality, paying particular attention to how equality has to change in the context of diversity as well as inequalities of wealth. What’s attractive to me about the way folks like Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, Paul Gilroy, Stuart Hall
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不平等危机和平等危机
能有像史蒂夫·多弗斯这样有能力的人来激发我们思考澳大利亚的不平等问题,以及解决这个问题的有力措施和运动,真是太好了。史蒂夫在帕特里克·特洛伊(Patrick Troy)的演讲中为我们描绘的财富不平等日益加剧的图景无疑是严峻的。正如他所指出的,关于与财富不平等相交的其他不平等,还有更多可以说的——不仅仅是性别不平等(例如,COVID对收入和就业损失的影响如此明显)和种族化的不平等(这当然是我生活和工作的悉尼在COVID期间住房市场和公共空间警务的一个特点)。在回应他的挑衅时,我想谈谈这种不平等危机和我们所谓的平等危机之间的关系,并建议我们的工作必须关注这两种相关但不同的危机。史蒂夫对不平等的愤慨——这种愤慨也是帕特里克·特洛伊的特点——伴随着挫败感。他指出,尽管人们对不平等的程度有广泛的了解,但不平等似乎仍然存在,尽管有大量的证据支持,但人们经常提出改革建议,但这些建议很难获得支持。这种脱节本身就值得探究,就像史蒂夫和凯特在他们的贡献中所做的那样。几年前,Rosanvallon(2013)在他的著作《平等社会》(The Society of Equals)中提出了类似的观点。这本书试图解决这样一个事实,即“不平等从未得到如此广泛的讨论,而减少不平等的措施却如此之少”(2013年,第2页)。他指出,不平等之所以失去力量,部分原因是现在人们普遍认为不平等是自然的或不可避免的。我们并不是否认不平等的存在,而是否认不平等中的任何不公正。相反,不平等被解释为穷人的正义和道德失败的结果,或者是被殖民化、种族化和能力不同的人无法自主的结果,或者是某些进程(全球化、新自由主义化等)的无情逻辑的结果,而我们对这些进程没有权力,挑战它们是不现实的。所以对Rosanvallon来说,问题不只是我们面临着不平等危机,而是“我们面临着平等危机”。这场危机的核心是什么?“这个词在某种程度上已经脱离了经验,因此它不再清楚地表明必须进行的战斗或需要实现的目标”(2013,pp. 7-8,强调添加)。因此,我们的工作不仅仅是对不平等现象进行分类。他认为,“没有比恢复平等理念昔日辉煌更紧迫的任务了”(2013,p. 8)。重要的是,“恢复”平等理念不仅仅是对历史上确立的平等意义的“回顾”。不,“我们还必须更进一步,重新思考平等本身的整个概念”(2013年,第10页)。我们怎么做呢?女权主义者、酷儿、反种族主义和反资本主义学者们令人难以置信的工作为我们提供了灵感和指导,他们一直在重新思考平等的真正含义,特别关注平等在多样性和财富不平等的背景下如何改变。像Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, Paul Gilroy, Stuart Hall这样的人吸引我的地方是什么
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3.00
自引率
11.10%
发文量
56
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