The Plurality of Greeknesses in Interwar Greece: A Matter of Culture or Politics?

Q3 Arts and Humanities Historein Pub Date : 2018-08-21 DOI:10.12681/HISTOREIN.10833
K. Papari
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

The interwar crisis as perceived by conservative German and Greek intellectuals focused particularly on national identity, which they thought to be decisively challenged and threatened by radical transformation. In Greece the intellectual elites undertook the task to interpret the crisis in order to frame a cultural programme concerning the meaning of Hellenism that incorporated their ideological and partisan assumptions. This article explores the notion of Greekness, and the ways it embraced and encapsulated the problems that bedevilled both state and society, during the period of the interwar crisis. It aims, first, to examine the intellectuals' narrative and production of the ideology of Greekness as a signifier that launched, implicitly and explicitly, the elements that constituted a new imaginary institution of the nation. To this end, it will examine theoretical schemes and cultural transfers from German academic currents and theorists of the time and the appeal of their proclamations. The ideology of Greekness offered a means for the government to resolve the issues of the interwar state and, in particular, the challenge of its political survival and continuity. My second aim is to trace the convergences and divergences of the concervative intellectuals' schema of Greekness with the equivalent aspirations of the Thirties Generation. By capturing the meaning of Greekness, the conservative intelligentsia expanded the criterion for Greekness beyond an aesthetic perception of Hellenism and its related conversation with European modernism, as the issue was employed by the writers and poets of the Thirties Generation. Conservative's examination of Greekness disclosed the way that the politics of culture both served and promoted a hegemonic discourse. In conclusion my paper holds that the intellectuals' main concern was to utilize the cultural capital of Hellenism in order to propose a technique of governance, numbering the Greek case among the counterpart nationalist project in Germany at the time. Greekness demonstrated anew an imaginary conceptualization and institutionalization of the nation, that was articulated in accordance with the ideological assertions of conservatives circles and became synonym with a pedagogy of national conformity.
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两次世界大战之间希腊人的多元性:文化问题还是政治问题?
保守的德国和希腊知识分子认为,两次世界大战之间的危机特别关注国家认同,他们认为国家认同受到激进变革的决定性挑战和威胁。在希腊,知识精英承担了解读这场危机的任务,以便制定一个关于希腊主义意义的文化计划,其中纳入了他们的意识形态和党派假设。本文探讨了贪婪的概念,以及它在两次世界大战危机期间拥抱和概括困扰国家和社会的问题的方式。首先,它旨在考察知识分子对贪婪意识形态的叙事和生产,贪婪意识形态是一个能指,它隐含和明确地启动了构成国家新的想象制度的元素。为此,它将考察当时德国学术潮流和理论家的理论方案和文化转移,以及他们的宣言的吸引力。贪婪的意识形态为政府解决两次世界大战期间国家的问题,特别是政治生存和连续性的挑战提供了一种手段。我的第二个目的是追踪关注知识分子的贪婪模式与三十年代一代的同等愿望的趋同和分歧。通过捕捉贪婪的含义,保守的知识界将贪婪的标准扩展到了对希腊主义及其与欧洲现代主义的相关对话的审美认知之外,因为这个问题被三十年代的作家和诗人所采用。保守派对贪婪的考察揭示了文化政治既为霸权话语服务又促进霸权话语的方式。最后,本文认为,知识分子主要关注的是利用希腊主义的文化资本来提出治理技术,将希腊案例列入当时德国的民族主义项目中。贪婪再次展示了一种想象中的国家概念化和制度化,这与保守派圈子的意识形态主张一致,并成为国家整合教育学的同义词。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Historein
Historein Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
22
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