Fighting for Time: Rhodesia’s Military and Zimbabwe’s Independence by Charles D. Melson

IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Journal of Cold War Studies Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI:10.1162/jcws_r_01108
M. Howard
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Abstract

also captures well the irony, even the hypocrisy, of congressional support for the freeze while simultaneously voting in favor of new weapons systems such as the B-1 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. Maar acknowledges the tactical compromises the freeze movement found itself having to make with its political supporters, but he underestimates the contribution of the latter to elite support for the freeze. He gives little attention, for example, to how widely Senators Kennedy and Hatfield were able to garner academic, labor, professional, religious, think tank, and business support, which played a large role in transforming U.S. arms control policies in the 1980s. Maar also overstates his argument that the freeze movement played a major role in ending the Cold War. Although the movement did affect U.S. policies, far more decisive were such factors as the Soviet war in Afghanistan, anti-Communism in Eastern Europe, and the bankruptcy of the Communist system in the Soviet Union itself, not to mention the emergence of Mikhail Gorbachev. In one of the book’s best chapters, Maar examines the impact of nuclear weapons fears on political and popular culture in the 1980s. From Jonathan Schell’s book The Fate of the Earth (1982) to the seminal made-for-TV film The Day After (1983), with references to comics, cartoon strips, Hollywood films, rock performances, and television shows, Maar vividly re-creates the spirit of the age and the freeze’s place in it. The book is most effective, and moving, in its description of the rise and fall of the nuclear freeze movement itself. Maar achieves his goal of “decentering the narrative away from a top-down focus on the personalities of statesmen.” In the great tradition of U.S. popular movements, the freeze was perhaps most impressive as an expression of the grassroots, and Maar tells that story exceedingly well.
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《争取时间:罗得西亚的军队和津巴布韦的独立》查尔斯·d·梅尔森著
也很好地捕捉到了讽刺,甚至虚伪,国会支持冻结,同时投票赞成新的武器系统,如B-1轰炸机和战略防御倡议。Maar承认冻结运动发现自己不得不与政治支持者做出战术妥协,但他低估了后者对精英支持冻结的贡献。例如,他几乎没有注意到肯尼迪和哈特菲尔德参议员获得了学术、劳工、专业、宗教、智库和商界的广泛支持,这些支持在20世纪80年代美国军备控制政策的转变中发挥了重要作用。马尔还夸大了他的观点,即冻结运动在结束冷战方面发挥了重要作用。虽然这场运动确实影响了美国的政策,但更具决定性的因素是苏联在阿富汗的战争、东欧的反共运动、苏联本身的共产主义制度的破产,更不用说米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫的出现。在书中最精彩的章节之一,马尔审视了20世纪80年代对核武器的恐惧对政治和流行文化的影响。从乔纳森·谢尔(Jonathan Schell)的《地球的命运》(1982)到开创性的电视电影《后天》(1983),参考了漫画、漫画、好莱坞电影、摇滚表演和电视节目,马尔生动地再现了那个时代的精神和冻结在其中的地位。这本书对核冻结运动本身的兴衰的描述是最有效的,也是最感人的。马尔实现了他的目标,“将叙事从自上而下的对政治家个性的关注中分离出来”。在美国人民运动的伟大传统中,冻结也许是最令人印象深刻的基层表达,马尔把这个故事讲得非常好。
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CiteScore
1.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
44
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