Response

IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Australian Archaeology Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI:10.1080/03122417.2021.1991522
M. Porr, Ella Vivian-Williams
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Abstract

We would like to thank all commentators for their excellent insights and feel honoured that so many distinguished scholars took the time to engage with our brief analysis and arguments. The responses have value not only in relation to the Forum piece but also as independent contributions to the Dark Emu debate. We hope that the comments will allow a new phase of engagement with the perception and understanding of Australia’s deep past, its relationship to present issues, and the positioning of archaeology in this respect. The responses show that Dark Emu and the debate around it can be understood in many different ways by Indigenous and other readers. They also demonstrate that issues surrounding Dark Emu have been discussed in deeply informed and conceptually sophisticated ways in previous decades. Several comments contain valuable reflections in this respect and both the archaeological community as well as the broader public can profit from these significant insights. Together with several commentators, we hope that the current discussions will initiate new archaeological research projects and the reassessment of existing collections. However, the Dark Emu debate will not be resolved with more empirical evidence alone. Almost all commentators have mentioned that Dark Emu replicates social evolutionist and progressive thinking. This understanding has been rejected by academia a long time ago. The enthusiastic reaction towards Dark Emu in the broader public sphere, however, seems to show that this thinking appears to be alive and well. We have argued that Dark Emu presents Aboriginal societies and people in overly Western modernist terms. While several commentators have stated that the key distinction of Dark Emu between hunter-gatherers and farmers is just a semantic issue, few have engaged with the question why Dark Emu’s core argument seems to necessitate a rejection of hunting and gathering as a mode of being (that is itself defined and constructed in modernist terms). Dark Emu is less about social evolutionism as a progressive vision of the whole of human history. It is more about the definition of humanity in relation to the distinction between a ‘state of nature’ and a ‘state of society’. Dark Emu is about countering the perception of Aboriginal societies on the basis of a number of dichotomies that are still largely guiding the discourse around Aboriginal people such as passive/active, wasteful/industrious, productive/unproductive, static/progressive. These dichotomies can be traced back to the establishment of modern social theory from the seventeenth century onwards (Bhambra and Holmwood 2021). Dark Emu is an attempt to modernise traditional Aboriginal societies to gain cultural recognition and political participation. But in doing so, the book replicates the ‘state of nature’/‘state of society’ division that is widely rejected in the social sciences, because it has been recognised as the basis of unrestricted exploitation of natural resources and the dispossession of Indigenous populations. Ironically and tragically, this rejection is to a large extent a consequence of an increasingly active role of Aboriginal and other Indigenous people in these discourses and more and more long-term collaborations with researchers and heritage specialists. Paradoxically, Dark Emu also mirrors arguments that have been put forward by many Indigenous leaders in the context of postWWII postcolonial movements and ‘the difficulty of being modern’ (Chakrabarty 2021:95–113). They reflect the challenges to navigate the often contradictory goals of justice and sovereignty, appropriate and respectful participation, political recognition in a world of modern nation-states, and the preservation of cultural identity. Finding sensible solutions in these contexts will require the acceptance of a diversity of views of Indigenous and nonIndigenous people, but also an honest acknowledgement of differential power relationships. The reception of Dark Emu continues to demonstrate that narratives that conform to the dominant modern discourse are most easily accepted by the broader
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我们要感谢所有评论员的卓越见解,并为这么多杰出学者花时间参与我们的简短分析和论证而感到荣幸。这些回应不仅对论坛的文章有价值,而且是对黑暗Emu辩论的独立贡献。我们希望,这些评论将使人们能够进入一个新的阶段,了解和理解澳大利亚深刻的过去、它与当前问题的关系,以及考古学在这方面的定位。这些回应表明,土著和其他读者可以以多种不同的方式理解《黑暗Emu》及其引发的争论。他们还表明,在过去的几十年里,围绕黑暗Emu的问题已经以深入了解和概念复杂的方式进行了讨论。一些评论包含了这方面的宝贵思考,考古界和广大公众都可以从这些重要见解中受益。与几位评论家一起,我们希望目前的讨论将启动新的考古研究项目,并重新评估现有藏品。然而,仅凭更多的经验证据是无法解决暗Emu之争的。几乎所有的评论者都提到,黑暗埃穆复制了社会进化论和进步思想。这种理解很早以前就被学术界所拒绝。然而,在更广泛的公共领域中,人们对深色Emu的热情反应似乎表明,这种想法似乎是存在的。我们认为Dark Emu以过于西方现代主义的术语呈现原住民社会和人民。虽然有几位评论家指出,深色Emu在狩猎采集者和农民之间的关键区别只是一个语义问题,但很少有人提出为什么深色Emu的核心论点似乎需要拒绝狩猎和采集作为一种存在模式(这本身是用现代主义术语定义和构建的)。Dark Emu与其说是社会进化论,不如说是对整个人类历史的进步愿景。它更多的是关于“自然状态”和“社会状态”之间的区别对人类的定义。Dark Emu是关于在许多二分法的基础上对抗对原住民社会的看法,这些二分法仍然在很大程度上指导着围绕原住民的讨论,如被动/主动、浪费/勤劳、生产/非生产、静态/进步。这些二分法可以追溯到17世纪以来现代社会理论的建立(Bhambra和Holmwood 2021)。Dark Emu试图使传统原住民社会现代化,以获得文化认可和政治参与。但在这样做的过程中,这本书复制了在社会科学中被广泛拒绝的“自然状态”/“社会状态”划分,因为它被公认为不受限制地开采自然资源和剥夺土著人口的基础。具有讽刺意味和悲剧性的是,这种拒绝在很大程度上是原住民和其他原住民在这些话语中越来越积极的作用,以及与研究人员和遗产专家越来越多的长期合作的结果。矛盾的是,Dark Emu也反映了许多土著领导人在二战后殖民运动和“现代化的困难”的背景下提出的论点(Chakrabarty 2021:95-113)。它们反映了在现代民族国家世界中实现正义和主权、适当和尊重的参与、政治承认以及保护文化认同等经常相互矛盾的目标所面临的挑战。在这种情况下找到合理的解决方案需要接受土著和非土著人民的多样性观点,但也需要诚实地承认不同的权力关系。对《黑暗Emu》的接受继续表明,符合主流现代话语的叙事最容易被更广泛的人接受
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.90
自引率
9.10%
发文量
20
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