{"title":"A Just Transition to a Low Carbon Future in South Africa","authors":"G. Mbungu","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2229286","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"whereas they are only partly supported in the cases of Angola and Sudan. Chapter 8 presents four mini-cases (Kazakhstan, Canada, Uzbekistan, and Denmark) to examine the extent to which the conclusions from the African cases can be generalised. The results suggest that the empirical expectations presented are generally supported, with strong support found in Kazakhstan, Canada, and Denmark, and partial support in Uzbekistan. Firstly, it should be noted that, since not all authoritarian regimes are alike, the hypotheses presented may be specific to the characteristics of the Chinese authoritarian state and may not be generalisable across all authoritarian states. Secondly, the independent variables are oil levels and strategic importance, and the operationalisation of these variables may be questioned. For instance, the book suggests that Canada has limited strategic importance to China because due to few diplomatic visits between both nations and Canada’s strong ties to China’s rival, the United States. However, this conclusion can be contested, especially considering the fluctuating nature of Sino-Canadian relations during the Justin Trudeau administration. Finally, Chapter 2 outlines various challenges to the hypotheses that the book is founded upon. One critical challenge is that the relationship between Chinese companies and the Chinese government is not unique to China, as similar associations can be observed in Western countries. As President Xi Jinping departs from the low-profile policy of his predecessors, Chinese foreign policy has become of global importance. The book presents a significant step towards understanding the role of specific actors in shaping China’s foreign policy. The indepth analysis of whether structural factors, elements of the Chinese authoritarian state, or concerns with social stability and legitimacy explain the changes in actors in China’s foreign policy over the last decade is crucial to the current discourse.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"30 1","pages":"316 - 318"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2229286","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Abstract
whereas they are only partly supported in the cases of Angola and Sudan. Chapter 8 presents four mini-cases (Kazakhstan, Canada, Uzbekistan, and Denmark) to examine the extent to which the conclusions from the African cases can be generalised. The results suggest that the empirical expectations presented are generally supported, with strong support found in Kazakhstan, Canada, and Denmark, and partial support in Uzbekistan. Firstly, it should be noted that, since not all authoritarian regimes are alike, the hypotheses presented may be specific to the characteristics of the Chinese authoritarian state and may not be generalisable across all authoritarian states. Secondly, the independent variables are oil levels and strategic importance, and the operationalisation of these variables may be questioned. For instance, the book suggests that Canada has limited strategic importance to China because due to few diplomatic visits between both nations and Canada’s strong ties to China’s rival, the United States. However, this conclusion can be contested, especially considering the fluctuating nature of Sino-Canadian relations during the Justin Trudeau administration. Finally, Chapter 2 outlines various challenges to the hypotheses that the book is founded upon. One critical challenge is that the relationship between Chinese companies and the Chinese government is not unique to China, as similar associations can be observed in Western countries. As President Xi Jinping departs from the low-profile policy of his predecessors, Chinese foreign policy has become of global importance. The book presents a significant step towards understanding the role of specific actors in shaping China’s foreign policy. The indepth analysis of whether structural factors, elements of the Chinese authoritarian state, or concerns with social stability and legitimacy explain the changes in actors in China’s foreign policy over the last decade is crucial to the current discourse.