Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2275669
Armin Rabitsch, Alejandro Moledo, Michael Lidauer
ABSTRACTThe Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) clarifies that persons with disabilities have the right to participate in political life and enshrines their right to vote and stand as candidates in elections. This article evaluates compliance and current practices in the European Union, finding a great variety of implementation to facilitate the electoral participation of persons with disabilities. Despite CRPD ratification by all EU member states, inaccessibility of elections, lack of suitable information, removal of legal capacity, and other disability-based discrimination remain barriers to political participation. Nevertheless, there are increasingly good practices of inclusion by which legislators and election administrators can learn from each other. Based on the example of the EU, the judicial activism of disabled persons organisations in particular highlights the key role of civil society organisations and their cooperation with public authorities to make electoral processes more inclusive, alleviating political inequality overall.KEYWORDS: Electionsinclusionaccessibilitypersons with disabilitiesEuropean UnionCRPDstrategic litigation AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank EDF member organisations for reviewing the initial findings and the EDF for granting the permission to use the research and findings for this article. We also thank the members of the Election-Watch.EU network for participating in the research.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Smets Kaat and C. van Ham, ‘The Embarrassment of Riches? A Meta-Analysis of Individual-Level Research on Voter Turnout,’ Electoral Studies 32, no. 2 (2013): 344–59.2 T.S. James and H.A. Garnett, ‘Introduction: The Case for Inclusive Voting Practices,’ Policy Studies 41, no. 2–3 (2020): 113.3 A. Blais, L. Massicotte and A. Yoshinaka, ‘Deciding Who Has the Right to Vote: A Comparative Analysis of Election Laws,’ Electoral Studies 20 (2001): 41–62.4 For the United States, compare for example L. Schur, M. Adya and M. Ameri, ‘Accessible Democracy: Reducing Voting Obstacles for People with Disabilities,’ Election Law Journal 14, no. 1 (2015); and A. Johnson and S. Powell, ‘Disability and Election Administration in the United States: Barriers and Improvements,’ Policy Studies 41, no. 2–3 (2020): 249–70. For Africa compare B. Virendrakumar et al., ‘Disability Inclusive Elections in Africa: A Systematic Review of Published and Unpublished Literature,’ Disability & Society 33, no. 4: 509–38.5 James and Garnett, ‘Introduction: The Case for Inclusive Voting Practices,’ 115, following inter alia L. Schur et al., ‘Enabling Democracy: Disability and Voter Turnout,’ Political Research Quarterly 55 (2002): 167–90.6 World Health Organisation, ‘Disability: Key Facts,’ https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/disability-and-health (accessed August 23, 2023, last updated March 7, 2023).7 Among electoral practitioners, IFE
{"title":"Inclusive elections? The case of persons with disabilities in the European Union","authors":"Armin Rabitsch, Alejandro Moledo, Michael Lidauer","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2275669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2275669","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) clarifies that persons with disabilities have the right to participate in political life and enshrines their right to vote and stand as candidates in elections. This article evaluates compliance and current practices in the European Union, finding a great variety of implementation to facilitate the electoral participation of persons with disabilities. Despite CRPD ratification by all EU member states, inaccessibility of elections, lack of suitable information, removal of legal capacity, and other disability-based discrimination remain barriers to political participation. Nevertheless, there are increasingly good practices of inclusion by which legislators and election administrators can learn from each other. Based on the example of the EU, the judicial activism of disabled persons organisations in particular highlights the key role of civil society organisations and their cooperation with public authorities to make electoral processes more inclusive, alleviating political inequality overall.KEYWORDS: Electionsinclusionaccessibilitypersons with disabilitiesEuropean UnionCRPDstrategic litigation AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank EDF member organisations for reviewing the initial findings and the EDF for granting the permission to use the research and findings for this article. We also thank the members of the Election-Watch.EU network for participating in the research.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Smets Kaat and C. van Ham, ‘The Embarrassment of Riches? A Meta-Analysis of Individual-Level Research on Voter Turnout,’ Electoral Studies 32, no. 2 (2013): 344–59.2 T.S. James and H.A. Garnett, ‘Introduction: The Case for Inclusive Voting Practices,’ Policy Studies 41, no. 2–3 (2020): 113.3 A. Blais, L. Massicotte and A. Yoshinaka, ‘Deciding Who Has the Right to Vote: A Comparative Analysis of Election Laws,’ Electoral Studies 20 (2001): 41–62.4 For the United States, compare for example L. Schur, M. Adya and M. Ameri, ‘Accessible Democracy: Reducing Voting Obstacles for People with Disabilities,’ Election Law Journal 14, no. 1 (2015); and A. Johnson and S. Powell, ‘Disability and Election Administration in the United States: Barriers and Improvements,’ Policy Studies 41, no. 2–3 (2020): 249–70. For Africa compare B. Virendrakumar et al., ‘Disability Inclusive Elections in Africa: A Systematic Review of Published and Unpublished Literature,’ Disability & Society 33, no. 4: 509–38.5 James and Garnett, ‘Introduction: The Case for Inclusive Voting Practices,’ 115, following inter alia L. Schur et al., ‘Enabling Democracy: Disability and Voter Turnout,’ Political Research Quarterly 55 (2002): 167–90.6 World Health Organisation, ‘Disability: Key Facts,’ https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/disability-and-health (accessed August 23, 2023, last updated March 7, 2023).7 Among electoral practitioners, IFE","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"119 38","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135137207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2271496
Toby S James, Holly Ann Garnett
Electoral management, understood as the application and implementation of electoral rules, is a critical part of democratic governance. But there are often concerns about the quality of electoral management and the performance of electoral management bodies around the world. Despite recent advances, there remains a need for new systematic evidence on the quality of electoral management and analysis of the factors that lead to poorly- or well- run elections. This article therefore maps out global variations in the quality of the public management of elections using a new cross-national dataset and measure. It then explains variations by evaluating the relative importance of bureaucratic culture, the autonomy of electoral authorities, political polarisation in the electorate and the capacity of electoral management bodies. The results provide support for the importance of each of these factors. The effect of political polarisation is an important finding as it is a new threat to elections.
{"title":"Are polarised elections the hardest to deliver? Explaining global variations in electoral management body performance","authors":"Toby S James, Holly Ann Garnett","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2271496","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2271496","url":null,"abstract":"Electoral management, understood as the application and implementation of electoral rules, is a critical part of democratic governance. But there are often concerns about the quality of electoral management and the performance of electoral management bodies around the world. Despite recent advances, there remains a need for new systematic evidence on the quality of electoral management and analysis of the factors that lead to poorly- or well- run elections. This article therefore maps out global variations in the quality of the public management of elections using a new cross-national dataset and measure. It then explains variations by evaluating the relative importance of bureaucratic culture, the autonomy of electoral authorities, political polarisation in the electorate and the capacity of electoral management bodies. The results provide support for the importance of each of these factors. The effect of political polarisation is an important finding as it is a new threat to elections.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":" 78","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2276369
Baïdessou Soukolgué
ABSTRACTRecent reports demonstrate a global decline in democracy and a resurgence of authoritarianism, with subsequent state capture, a return to autocracy and a rise in patrimonial power. The weakening of the political institutions that sustain the overall democratic system, the rigging of elections, and the reduction of liberties are other factors linked to this reported democratic recession. Along with such regression in democracy, there has been a long-term decline in popular faith in elections. These elements of democratic decline have occurred across Africa, in both transitional and stable democracies. Several levers are available to remedy the impact of this regressive trend, including electoral assistance. This article reflects on the role that electoral assistance could play in mitigating democratic recession and enhancing electoral integrity in Africa. It also outlines the necessary multidimensionality of electoral assistance for more substantial results.KEYWORDS: Democracydemocratic backslidingelectionelectoral assistanceelectoral management bodiestechnical assistance Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 International IDEA, Global Report on The State of Democracy: Building Resilience in a Pandemic Era: Annual Report, 2021. https://www.idea.int/gsod/sites/default/files/2021-11/the-global-state-of-democracy-2021_1pdf2 https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/all-democracy-global-america-cant-shrink-fight-freedom-larry-diamond3 E Gyimah-Boadi, ‘Africa’s Waning Democratic Commitment,’ Journal of Democracy 26, no. 1 (2015): 101-13.4 https://theconversation.com/what-caused-the-coup-in-niger-an-expert-outlines-three-driving-factors-2107215 International IDEA, Global Report on the State of Democracy: Forcing Social Contract in a Time of Discontent.https://idea.int/democracytracker/sites/default/files/2022-11/the-global-state-of-democracy-2022.pdf6 See Jaysim Hanspal, ‘The temptations of third-termism’, The Africa Report, 3 February 2023, https://www.theafricareport.com/277872/the-temptations-of-third-termism/. In Sudan, General Al-Burhan's decision to take control of the Sovereign Council on 21 August 2021 has revived the pro-democracy demonstrations. Despite the repression, the desire to see the military hand over power to an elected government remains strong among the population. Other examples include the Democratic Republic of Congo between 2016 and 2018; Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea Conakry in 2020 and more recently Senegal.7 The ACE Project is an initiative of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa. See https://aceproject.org/8 Therese Pearce Laanela and al., Supporting Election Effectively: Principles and Practice of Electoral Assistance: Report to the Expert Group for Aid (Sweden, EBA Report, 2021:05), 18.9 The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, 2005. See also the Accra Agenda for Action, 2008.10 Therese Pearce Laanela and al., Supporting Elections Effectiv
{"title":"Mitigating the impact of democratic recession through electoral assistance in Africa","authors":"Baïdessou Soukolgué","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2276369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2276369","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTRecent reports demonstrate a global decline in democracy and a resurgence of authoritarianism, with subsequent state capture, a return to autocracy and a rise in patrimonial power. The weakening of the political institutions that sustain the overall democratic system, the rigging of elections, and the reduction of liberties are other factors linked to this reported democratic recession. Along with such regression in democracy, there has been a long-term decline in popular faith in elections. These elements of democratic decline have occurred across Africa, in both transitional and stable democracies. Several levers are available to remedy the impact of this regressive trend, including electoral assistance. This article reflects on the role that electoral assistance could play in mitigating democratic recession and enhancing electoral integrity in Africa. It also outlines the necessary multidimensionality of electoral assistance for more substantial results.KEYWORDS: Democracydemocratic backslidingelectionelectoral assistanceelectoral management bodiestechnical assistance Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 International IDEA, Global Report on The State of Democracy: Building Resilience in a Pandemic Era: Annual Report, 2021. https://www.idea.int/gsod/sites/default/files/2021-11/the-global-state-of-democracy-2021_1pdf2 https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/all-democracy-global-america-cant-shrink-fight-freedom-larry-diamond3 E Gyimah-Boadi, ‘Africa’s Waning Democratic Commitment,’ Journal of Democracy 26, no. 1 (2015): 101-13.4 https://theconversation.com/what-caused-the-coup-in-niger-an-expert-outlines-three-driving-factors-2107215 International IDEA, Global Report on the State of Democracy: Forcing Social Contract in a Time of Discontent.https://idea.int/democracytracker/sites/default/files/2022-11/the-global-state-of-democracy-2022.pdf6 See Jaysim Hanspal, ‘The temptations of third-termism’, The Africa Report, 3 February 2023, https://www.theafricareport.com/277872/the-temptations-of-third-termism/. In Sudan, General Al-Burhan's decision to take control of the Sovereign Council on 21 August 2021 has revived the pro-democracy demonstrations. Despite the repression, the desire to see the military hand over power to an elected government remains strong among the population. Other examples include the Democratic Republic of Congo between 2016 and 2018; Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea Conakry in 2020 and more recently Senegal.7 The ACE Project is an initiative of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa. See https://aceproject.org/8 Therese Pearce Laanela and al., Supporting Election Effectively: Principles and Practice of Electoral Assistance: Report to the Expert Group for Aid (Sweden, EBA Report, 2021:05), 18.9 The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, 2005. See also the Accra Agenda for Action, 2008.10 Therese Pearce Laanela and al., Supporting Elections Effectiv","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"119 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135341752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2269149
Khabele Matlosa
ABSTRACT Globally, democratisation momentum has shown a decline in the last two decades. This article contributes to the existing knowledge on the significance of democracy noting its intrinsic, instrumental, and constructive value, and how democratic recession tends to negate these values. The article identifies deep-seated structural drivers and above-the-surface superstructural triggers of democratic recession, highlighting their trends, manifestations, and impact. It advances the discourse by arguing that, while democratic recession has a discernible global reach and impact, its profound salience in the Global South is its distinctive interface with the limits/inadequacy of liberal democracy in place. The article identifies two critical repercussions of the interface between democratic recession and the inadequacy of liberal democracy, namely a strained state-society social contract and enfeebled social cohesion. In redressing democratic recession, the Global South is confronted with hard choices either to maintain the status quo, reform or transform the liberal democratic model.
摘要在全球范围内，民主化的势头在过去二十年中呈现出下降趋势。本文对现有的关于民主重要性的知识做出了贡献，指出了民主的内在、工具和建设性价值，以及民主衰退如何倾向于否定这些价值。本文指出了民主衰退的深层次结构性驱动因素和表面上的上层建筑触发因素，强调了它们的趋势、表现形式和影响。它提出，虽然民主衰退具有明显的全球影响和影响，但其在全球南方的深刻突出之处在于它与自由民主的局限性/不足的独特接口。这篇文章指出了民主衰退和自由民主的不足之间的界面的两个关键影响，即紧张的国家-社会社会契约和衰弱的社会凝聚力。在应对民主衰退的过程中，全球南方国家面临着艰难的选择，要么维持现状，要么改革，要么转变自由民主模式。关键词:民主发展选举人权改革社会契约社会凝聚力转型披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1 Licia Cainetti和Sean Hanley，“倒退范式的终结”，《民主杂志》32期，第2期。1 (2021): 66.2 Cainetti和Hanley，“倒退范式的终结”，66.3 Amartya Sen，“民主作为一种普遍价值”，《民主杂志》10，第6期。3: 3 - 7.4 Nic Cheeseman和Sishuwa Sishuwa，“非洲研究关键词:民主”，非洲研究评论(2021):2.5 David Van Reybrouck，反对选举:民主的案例(纽约:七个故事出版社，2018)Van Reybrouck，《反对选举》，第7页，《民主作为一种普遍价值》，第3-7.8页，《民主作为一种普遍价值》，第8.9页，Nanjala Nyabole，《数字民主，模拟政治:互联网如何改变肯尼亚的政治》(伦敦:Zed Books, 2018)《人类发展报告》于1990年首次发布，此后提出了一个新的、在许多方面令人耳目一新的信息:没有改善民生的经济增长是徒劳的。为了支持这一信息，《人类发展报告》引入了人类可持续发展(SHD)这一简单(但并非过于简单化)的概念，以及人类发展指数(HDI)。人类发展指数是衡量一个国家人类发展基本方面的综合综合指数，即(a)以出生时预期寿命衡量的健康状况;(b)以成人识字率和小学、中学和大学综合入学率衡量的知识;(c)以人均国内生产总值(ppus $)衡量的生活水平(http://hdr.undp.org.en/statistics)。参见联合国开发计划署，《在支离破碎的世界中深化民主》，《人类发展报告》(牛津:牛津大学出版社，2002年)阿马蒂亚·森:《发展即自由》(牛津:牛津大学出版社，1999)塞缪尔·亨廷顿，《第三次浪潮:二十世纪后期的民主化》(诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社，1991)杰弗里·海恩斯:《第三世界的民主与政治变革》(伦敦:弗朗西斯和泰勒出版社，2002年);16 Leonardo Arriola, Lise Rakner和Nicolas Van de Walle，非洲的民主倒退:专制，弹性和竞争(伦敦:牛津大学出版社，2023)，1.17 Larry Diamond，“面对民主衰退”，《民主杂志》26，第26期。1 (2015): 142.18 Arriola, Rakner和van de Walle，非洲的民主倒退，10-12.19 IDEA，全球民主状况，2019:解决弊病，恢复承诺(斯德哥尔摩:IDEA, 2019);20 .《全球民主状态，2022:在不满的时代锻造社会契约》(斯德哥尔摩:IDEA, 2019)萨拉·雷普奇和艾米·斯里波维茨，《被围困的民主》，《2021年世界自由》(华盛顿特区:自由之家，2021年)，1.21亚娜·戈洛霍夫斯卡拉，阿德里安·沙巴兹和艾米·斯里波维茨，《争取民主斗争50周年》，《2023年世界自由》(华盛顿特区:自由之家，2023年)，2.22 V-Dem研究所，《独裁病毒:2021年民主报告》(哥德堡:瑞典哥德堡大学，2021年)，9.23伊曼纽尔·吉玛-博阿迪，西非民主倒退:《性质、原因和补救办法》，研究报告(日内瓦:科菲·安南基金会，2021年)Milan Svolik, Elena Avramovska, Johanna Lutz和philip Milacic，“在欧洲，民主从右翼侵蚀”，《民主杂志》，第34期。Scott Mainwaring和Anibal Perez-Linan，“为什么拉丁美洲的民主被困住了”，《民主杂志》第34期，第17期。1 (2023): 157.26 V-Dem研究所，面对独裁的反抗:民主报告2023(哥德堡:哥德堡大学，2023)，6。
{"title":"Global trends and impact of democratic recession: Hard choices for the Global South","authors":"Khabele Matlosa","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2269149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2269149","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Globally, democratisation momentum has shown a decline in the last two decades. This article contributes to the existing knowledge on the significance of democracy noting its intrinsic, instrumental, and constructive value, and how democratic recession tends to negate these values. The article identifies deep-seated structural drivers and above-the-surface superstructural triggers of democratic recession, highlighting their trends, manifestations, and impact. It advances the discourse by arguing that, while democratic recession has a discernible global reach and impact, its profound salience in the Global South is its distinctive interface with the limits/inadequacy of liberal democracy in place. The article identifies two critical repercussions of the interface between democratic recession and the inadequacy of liberal democracy, namely a strained state-society social contract and enfeebled social cohesion. In redressing democratic recession, the Global South is confronted with hard choices either to maintain the status quo, reform or transform the liberal democratic model.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"18 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135819044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2274852
Sonali Campion, Attahiru Muhammadu Jega
Although democratisation has evolved unevenly across Africa since the 1990s, there has been progress in the establishment and strengthening of independent election management bodies (EMBs). Since the mid-2000s, scholars and analysts have identified a global trend toward democratic backsliding, characterised in part by the erosion of democratic institutions. Such a trend might be expected to pose significant threats to EMBs. This article contributes new insights through a review of data from the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity and Varieties of Democracy projects. While it finds wide variation in EMB performance and autonomy, there is no overall pattern of decline that might be associated with democratic backsliding in Africa. Case analysis of Ghana and Zambia further demonstrates that the challenges EMBs face are multifaceted and not only driven by anti-democratic leaders. Co-ordinated efforts are therefore needed to strengthen EMB autonomy and capacity to (re)build trust and deliver elections with integrity.
{"title":"African election management bodies in the era of democratic backsliding","authors":"Sonali Campion, Attahiru Muhammadu Jega","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2274852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2274852","url":null,"abstract":"Although democratisation has evolved unevenly across Africa since the 1990s, there has been progress in the establishment and strengthening of independent election management bodies (EMBs). Since the mid-2000s, scholars and analysts have identified a global trend toward democratic backsliding, characterised in part by the erosion of democratic institutions. Such a trend might be expected to pose significant threats to EMBs. This article contributes new insights through a review of data from the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity and Varieties of Democracy projects. While it finds wide variation in EMB performance and autonomy, there is no overall pattern of decline that might be associated with democratic backsliding in Africa. Case analysis of Ghana and Zambia further demonstrates that the challenges EMBs face are multifaceted and not only driven by anti-democratic leaders. Co-ordinated efforts are therefore needed to strengthen EMB autonomy and capacity to (re)build trust and deliver elections with integrity.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"18 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135821113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2267525
Robert Gerenge
ABSTRACTThe African Union (AU), as a norm-setting institution, is tasked with addressing democratic recession on the African continent. This article critically analyses that role from the minimalist conception track of democracy as elections. Inadvertently, due to the AU’s intergovernmental institutional character and the inter-play between the norms of democratic governance and ‘elections as sovereign process’ among the member states, the tendency is for the AU to choose to posture around securing momentary peace. This has undermined democratic consolidation and progress on the continent, in spite of the significant investment which the AU has made in electoral and democratic governance institutions and processes in the past two decades. Consequently, contested electoral outcomes, popular revolts and the resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government continue to take place in Africa. The desired progress towards democracy as development, which is a framing enshrined in the AU’s Agenda 2063, has therefore become a formidable undertaking.KEYWORDS: Democracyelectionsnormsnorm-localisationAfrican Union Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brian CH Fong, ‘What's Driving the Democratic Recession in Asia?’ International Affairs 99, no. 3 (2023): 1273–91.2 Larry Diamond, ‘Facing Up to the Democratic Recession,’Journal of Democracy 26 (2015): 141–54 (page 144).3 Diamond, ‘Facing Up,’ 1474 African Union, ‘Agenda 2063,’ 2015, https://au.int/en/agenda2063/overview.5 Andrew Hurrell, ‘Regionalism in Theoretical Perspective,’ Regionalism in World Politics: Regional Organization and International Order (1995): 37–73 (page 65).6 Ndubuisi Christian Ani, ‘The African Union Non-indifference Stance: Lessons from Sudan and Libya,’ African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 6, no. 2 (2016): 1–22.7 Amitav Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,’ International Organization 58, no. 2 (2004): 239–75.8 Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread,’ 245.9 Thomas R. Eimer, Susanne Lütz, and Verena Schüren, ‘Varieties of Localization: International Norms and the Commodification of Knowledge in India and Brazil,’ Review of International Political Economy 23, no. 3 (2016): 450–79.10 Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Sirte Declaration, EAHG/Draft/ Decl. (IV) Rev.1. Adopted at the 4th extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Sirte, Libya, September 8–9, 1999; Paul D. Williams, ‘From Non-intervention to Non-indifference: The Origins and Development of the African Union's Security Culture,’ African Affairs 106, no. 423 (2007): 253–79; Chika Njideka Oguonu and Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe, ‘African Union and Conflict Resolution in Africa,’ Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 27 P1 (2014): 325.11 Scott Straus, ‘Wars do End! Changing Patterns of Political Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa,’ African Affairs 111, no. 443 (2012): 179
50 Simona Guerra，“匈牙利和欧盟处于挑战联盟基础的无休止的争端中”，《对话》，2022年12月21日，https://theconversation.com/hungary-and-the-eu-are-in-an-endless-dispute-that-challenges-the-very-foundations-of-the-union-196823。与规范本地化的想法类似，Guerra进一步解释说，这种反弹是由于公众对欧盟的总体理解水平较低;因此，欧洲公众很容易接受这样一种说法，即它是非法的，特别是如果国内政府为了自己的反民主行为而渲染这种说法符合其利益的话非盟，2022年5月28日，赤道几内亚马拉博，非洲联盟委员会主席穆萨·法基·马哈马特在第16届非洲联盟关于恐怖主义和违宪政府变革的特别会议上的讲话，第6页，https://au.int/ar/node/41857.52。James A Gardner，“同意、合法性和选举:在洛克宪法下实施人民主权”，匹兹堡大学法律评论，1990年第52期。189.53路透社，非洲联盟将从1月19日起不再承认冈比亚的贾梅，2017年1月13日，https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-gambia-politics-idUKKBN14X17G.54 BBC，“几内亚选举:阿尔法·孔戴在暴力抗议中赢得第三任期”2020年10月24日，https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54657359.55见联合国，“联合国布隆迪调查委员会:一场被暴力和政治不容忍的恶性循环所破坏的选举活动。”2020年5月14日。https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2020/05/un-commission-inquiry-burundi-electoral-campaign-marred-spiral-violence-0;人权观察，《刚果民主共和国:选民压制和暴力》。2019年1月。https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/01/05/dr-congo-voter-suppression-violence;人权观察，《Côte科特迪瓦:选举后暴力与镇压》，2020年。https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/02/cote-divoire-post-election-violence-repression;Faiza, Soule Youssouf和Kamlesh, Bhuckory，“科摩罗反对派抗议选举暴力爆发”。2019年3月。https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-03-24/comoros-starts-presidential-election-with-13-candidates-in-race#xj4y7vzkg.56 Robert Gerenge，“预防性外交和非洲选举相关冲突中的非盟智者小组”，SAIIA, 2015, 1-2.57。本文作者罗伯特·格伦格是南非约翰内斯堡威特沃特斯兰德大学政治学博士研究生。本文中表达的观点不以任何方式代表作者的任何机构隶属关系。
{"title":"The role of the African Union in tackling democratic recession in Africa","authors":"Robert Gerenge","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2267525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2267525","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe African Union (AU), as a norm-setting institution, is tasked with addressing democratic recession on the African continent. This article critically analyses that role from the minimalist conception track of democracy as elections. Inadvertently, due to the AU’s intergovernmental institutional character and the inter-play between the norms of democratic governance and ‘elections as sovereign process’ among the member states, the tendency is for the AU to choose to posture around securing momentary peace. This has undermined democratic consolidation and progress on the continent, in spite of the significant investment which the AU has made in electoral and democratic governance institutions and processes in the past two decades. Consequently, contested electoral outcomes, popular revolts and the resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government continue to take place in Africa. The desired progress towards democracy as development, which is a framing enshrined in the AU’s Agenda 2063, has therefore become a formidable undertaking.KEYWORDS: Democracyelectionsnormsnorm-localisationAfrican Union Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brian CH Fong, ‘What's Driving the Democratic Recession in Asia?’ International Affairs 99, no. 3 (2023): 1273–91.2 Larry Diamond, ‘Facing Up to the Democratic Recession,’Journal of Democracy 26 (2015): 141–54 (page 144).3 Diamond, ‘Facing Up,’ 1474 African Union, ‘Agenda 2063,’ 2015, https://au.int/en/agenda2063/overview.5 Andrew Hurrell, ‘Regionalism in Theoretical Perspective,’ Regionalism in World Politics: Regional Organization and International Order (1995): 37–73 (page 65).6 Ndubuisi Christian Ani, ‘The African Union Non-indifference Stance: Lessons from Sudan and Libya,’ African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 6, no. 2 (2016): 1–22.7 Amitav Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,’ International Organization 58, no. 2 (2004): 239–75.8 Acharya, ‘How Ideas Spread,’ 245.9 Thomas R. Eimer, Susanne Lütz, and Verena Schüren, ‘Varieties of Localization: International Norms and the Commodification of Knowledge in India and Brazil,’ Review of International Political Economy 23, no. 3 (2016): 450–79.10 Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Sirte Declaration, EAHG/Draft/ Decl. (IV) Rev.1. Adopted at the 4th extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Sirte, Libya, September 8–9, 1999; Paul D. Williams, ‘From Non-intervention to Non-indifference: The Origins and Development of the African Union's Security Culture,’ African Affairs 106, no. 423 (2007): 253–79; Chika Njideka Oguonu and Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe, ‘African Union and Conflict Resolution in Africa,’ Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 27 P1 (2014): 325.11 Scott Straus, ‘Wars do End! Changing Patterns of Political Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa,’ African Affairs 111, no. 443 (2012): 179","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":" 17","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135813711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2269890
Toby S James, Holly Ann Garnett, Erik Asplund, Sonali Campion
ABSTRACT The safe delivery of elections is a pivotal international issue in an era of widespread concerns about global democratic backsliding. Despite this, there remains little research on the training provided to electoral officials – those responsible for delivering elections and democracy on the front line. This article introduces the concept of electoral training institutionalisation, which refers to the extent to which training is embedded into electoral processes by electoral management bodies. It then presents original data from a survey of electoral management bodies to give an overview of the global provision of training. An original index of training institutionalisation is developed from the dataset. These data are analysed to identify the patterns of training. The results suggest that training institutionalisation tends to be associated with the overall quality of democracy and economic development. Deepening the embeddedness of electoral training is recommended as a step towards the strengthening of electoral democracy.
{"title":"Election staff training: Tracing global patterns of institutionalisation","authors":"Toby S James, Holly Ann Garnett, Erik Asplund, Sonali Campion","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2269890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2269890","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The safe delivery of elections is a pivotal international issue in an era of widespread concerns about global democratic backsliding. Despite this, there remains little research on the training provided to electoral officials – those responsible for delivering elections and democracy on the front line. This article introduces the concept of electoral training institutionalisation, which refers to the extent to which training is embedded into electoral processes by electoral management bodies. It then presents original data from a survey of electoral management bodies to give an overview of the global provision of training. An original index of training institutionalisation is developed from the dataset. These data are analysed to identify the patterns of training. The results suggest that training institutionalisation tends to be associated with the overall quality of democracy and economic development. Deepening the embeddedness of electoral training is recommended as a step towards the strengthening of electoral democracy.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136102440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2270461
Nanjala Nyabola
ABSTRACT The political implications of social media sites are finally receiving sustained attention. These sites both reinforce and undermine democracy, challenging regulators to balance positive developments and curb negative developments while being attentive to multilateral and international implications. This article maps this regulatory challenge, beginning with the emergence of the sites in order to understand the type of response that might be required of policymakers. The historiography allows for an actor-network analysis of the terrain, highlighting the characteristics of individual sites that together trigger the need for more holistic regulation. The article then examines the impact of social media on both individuals and institutions to emphasise that the actor-network both shapes and is shaped by actor action. Moving beyond a false dichotomy to see social media as neither purely good nor purely bad, the article frames the complexity of the regulatory ecosystem, and invites regulation that aims for a utopic outcome.
{"title":"Seeing the forest – and the trees: The global challenge of regulating social media for democracy","authors":"Nanjala Nyabola","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2270461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2270461","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The political implications of social media sites are finally receiving sustained attention. These sites both reinforce and undermine democracy, challenging regulators to balance positive developments and curb negative developments while being attentive to multilateral and international implications. This article maps this regulatory challenge, beginning with the emergence of the sites in order to understand the type of response that might be required of policymakers. The historiography allows for an actor-network analysis of the terrain, highlighting the characteristics of individual sites that together trigger the need for more holistic regulation. The article then examines the impact of social media on both individuals and institutions to emphasise that the actor-network both shapes and is shaped by actor action. Moving beyond a false dichotomy to see social media as neither purely good nor purely bad, the article frames the complexity of the regulatory ecosystem, and invites regulation that aims for a utopic outcome.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"18 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136316859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2269897
Dirk Kotzé
ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide a reliable indication of the contribution of the Electoral Commission of South Africa as an example of an election management body (EMB) in cultivating a mature democracy in South Africa. The measure of a maturing democracy is operationalised by applying the concept of the quality of democracy combined with the ideal role of elections in democracies. The discussion then focused on the EMB’s institutional framework (constitutional and legislative), as well as on perceptions of its performance and on its reputation as a democratic agent, approached from a social constructionist perspective. The main conclusion is that the commission has and continues to make a significant contribution to South Africa’s maturing democracy, but that its contribution is tempered by a decline in the public’s trust – possibly a reflection of the decline in South Africans’ trust in democracy in general.
{"title":"Electoral management for a maturing democracy: A look at the contribution of the South African Electoral Commission","authors":"Dirk Kotzé","doi":"10.1080/10220461.2023.2269897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2023.2269897","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide a reliable indication of the contribution of the Electoral Commission of South Africa as an example of an election management body (EMB) in cultivating a mature democracy in South Africa. The measure of a maturing democracy is operationalised by applying the concept of the quality of democracy combined with the ideal role of elections in democracies. The discussion then focused on the EMB’s institutional framework (constitutional and legislative), as well as on perceptions of its performance and on its reputation as a democratic agent, approached from a social constructionist perspective. The main conclusion is that the commission has and continues to make a significant contribution to South Africa’s maturing democracy, but that its contribution is tempered by a decline in the public’s trust – possibly a reflection of the decline in South Africans’ trust in democracy in general.","PeriodicalId":44641,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal of International Affairs-SAJIA","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136318125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2023.2269900
Oagile Bethuel Key Dingake
ABSTRACTThis article explores the significance of constitution-building and its impact on electoral integrity in Africa. Over recent decades, numerous African countries have turned to constitution-building and revisions to enhance democracy. The role of constitutions has expanded beyond governing and regulating governance-citizen relationships; they are now crisis management tools. Ultimately, constitution-building emerges as a crucial mechanism to fortify electoral processes and democratic development, particularly within Africa. The article highlights key elements for constitution-building to strengthen electoral integrity.KEYWORDS: Electoral integrityelectionsdemocracyconstitutionsconstitution-buildingdisputesgovernmentjustice Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Norris Pippa, Why electoral integrity matters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 9 and 21.2 Charles M. Fombad, “An Overview of the State of Electoral Democracy in Africa”, African Journal of Legal Studies 14, no. 2 (2022): 245–68.3 Fombad, “Democracy in Africa”, 246.4 As noted in the introduction to the special Issue SAJIA Vol 30.3 by Toby S. James, Khabele Matlosa and Victor Shale,”Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the Age of Democratic Recession”, South African Journal of International Affairs.5 James, Matlosa and Shale, “Safeguarding Election Management Bodies”.6 Larry Diamond, “Facing up to the democratic recession”, Journal of Democracy 26 (2015): 141.7 The Constitution Unit, “Reliance on secondary legislation has resulted in significant problems: it is time to rethink how such laws are created” October 13, 2021, https://constitution-unit.com/2021/10/13/reliance-on-secondary-legislation-has-resulted-in-significant-problems-it-is-time-to-rethink-how-such-laws-are-created/.8 J. Olonka-Onyango, ed. Constitutionalism in Africa: Creating opportunities, facing challenges, (Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2001)9 C. Fombad, Strengthening constitutional order and upholding the rule of law in Central Africa: Reversing the descent towards symbolic constitutionalism, African Human Rights Law Journal, no. 14 (2014): 414-5.10 A. Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).11 A. Lijphart, “Constitutional design for divided societies”, Journal of Democracy 15, no. 2 (2004): 96-109.12 C. Fombad, “Strengthening constitutional order and upholding the rule of law in Central Africa: Reversing the descent towards symbolic constitutionalism”, African Human Rights Law Journal 14, (2014): 412-48.13 BO Nwabueze, Constitutional Democracy in Africa (Vol. 5): The Returned of Africa to Constitutional Democracy (Ibadan: Spectrum books Ltd, 2004); Ndulo Muna. “Constitutions and Constitutional Reforms in African Politics” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. 2019.14 Charles Manga Fombad, “Constitution-building in Africa: The never-ending story of the making, unmaking and remaking of constitutions”, African
摘要本文探讨了非洲宪法建设的意义及其对选举诚信的影响。近几十年来，许多非洲国家已经转向宪法建设和修订，以加强民主。宪法的作用已经超越了治理和规范政府与公民的关系;它们现在是危机管理工具。最终，宪法建设成为加强选举进程和民主发展的关键机制，特别是在非洲。这篇文章强调了建立宪法以加强选举廉正的关键要素。关键词:选举诚信;选举;民主;宪法;注1:诺里斯·皮帕:《选举诚信为何重要》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，2014)，第9和21页。5 .《南非国际事务杂志》，托比·s·詹姆斯、哈贝勒·马特洛萨和Victor Shale所著的《在民主衰退时代维护选举管理机构》特刊第30.3卷导言中指出，詹姆斯、马特洛萨和Shale，“维护选举管理机构”Larry Diamond，“直面民主衰退”，《民主杂志》2015年第26期:141.7 .宪法单元，“对次级立法的依赖导致了重大问题:是时候重新思考如何制定此类法律了”，2021年10月13日，https://constitution-unit.com/2021/10/13/reliance-on-secondary-legislation-has-resulted-in-significant-problems-it-is-time-to-rethink-how-such-laws-are-created/.8 J. Olonka-Onyango主编。非洲的宪政:9 C. Fombad:《加强中非的宪法秩序和维护法治:扭转向象征性宪政的下降趋势》，《非洲人权法杂志》，2001年第1期。14 (2014): 414-5.10 a。《民主的模式》(纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，1999)一个。Lijphart，“分裂社会的宪法设计”，《民主杂志》第15期，第2期。C. Fombad，“加强中非宪法秩序和维护法治:扭转向象征性宪政的下降”，非洲人权法杂志14，(2014):412-48.13 BO Nwabueze，非洲宪政民主(第5卷):非洲宪政民主的回归(伊巴丹:Spectrum books Ltd .， 2004);Ndulo穆纳。Charles Manga Fombad，《非洲的宪法建设:宪法的制定、废除和重新制定的永不停息的故事》，《非洲与亚洲研究》第13期。16 . Winluck Wahiu:《宪法建设实践指南:导论》(斯德哥尔摩:IDEA, 2011)我懂政治，“妇女在宪法建设过程中的参与”https://www.iknowpolitics.org/en/discuss/e-discussions/womens-participation-constitution-building-process17见Dean Stuart和Victor Shale 2009。选举观察团报告。Ken O Opalo，“非洲选举民主的宪法保护:对关键挑战和前景的回顾”，《宪法建设进程年度回顾:2015》(国际民主与选举援助研究所，斯德哥尔摩，2016)，16.19 Winluck Wahiu，《宪法建设实用指南》，第1卷第1版。(国际民主与选举援助研究所，斯德哥尔摩，2011年)，820 Lovemore Madhuku:《司法独立的宪法保护:对南非现状的考察》，《非洲法学杂志》第46期。2(2002): 232-45.21选举诚信的感知(PEI)非洲的选举诚信(PEI, 2015).22Jesus Orozco-Henriquez, Ayman Ayoub和Andrew Ellis，选举正义:国际理念手册(斯德哥尔摩:国际理念，2015)各国议会联盟，《自由和公正选举标准宣言》，1994年3月26日，瑞士日内瓦。24 jorgenelklit和Svensson Palle，“选举监督的兴起:是什么使选举自由和公正?，《民主杂志》第8期，第2期。3 (1997): 32-46.25 Jorgen Elklit和Svensson Palle，“选举监督的兴起”，37.26 Daniel Chigudu，“对自由、公平和可信选举决定因素的批判性评论”，《国际关系》第4期，第32-46.25页。8(2016): 508-18.27世界选举机构协会(A-WEB)，在全球民主衰退时代维护选举管理机构，15.28世界选举机构协会(A-WEB)，维护选举管理机构，17。 恩杜罗，穆纳。“宪法和宪法改革”(IDEA)，“选举公正:国际IDEA的概述”(IDEA)，(斯德哥尔摩，2010)，第5-6.31页，参见南共体议会论坛《南共体选举示范法草案》中的要求，2018年12月。32南共体议会论坛《南共体选举示范法草案》。33 C. Van Ham和HAGarnett，“建立公正的选举管理?制度设计、独立与选举诚信”，《国际政治科学评论》，第40期。[03:313 .34]阿德朱莫比说:“非洲的选举:民主的阴影正在消退?”《国际政治科学评论》第21期邓肯·卡明爵士:《联合国处置厄立特里亚问题》，《非洲事务》第52期，第59-73.35页。Sumit Bisarya等，《宪法建设进程年度回顾:2015》(斯德哥尔摩:国际民主与选举援助研究所，2016)，5.37 Kwasi H. Prempeh，“非洲的‘宪政复兴’:错误的开始还是新的曙光?”《国际宪法学杂志》第5期。3(2007): 469-506.38由非盟召集的反思论坛参与者于2022年3月17日在加纳阿克拉通过。39 Ken O Opalo，“选举民主的宪法保护”，17.40 Ken O Opalo，“选举民主的宪法保护”，18.41 Ken O Opalo，“选举民主的宪法保护”，18.42 Ken O Opalo，“选举民主的宪法保护”，18.43 IDEA，“选举正义”。44埃尔德里奇·维吉尔·阿道夫，米米·Söderberg科瓦奇，丹尼尔·Nyström和马茨·尤塔斯。非洲的选举暴力(Nordiska: Afrikainstitutet, 2012).45Liisa Laakso，“对非洲选举暴力的洞察”，选自《选票、金钱与暴力:撒哈拉以南非洲的政党与选举》，主编。M. Basedau, G. Erdmann， & A. Mehler(赫尔辛基:北欧非洲研究所，2007)，224-52.46 Dorina A. Bekoe, Stephanie M. Burchard，“选举前暴力的矛盾:暴力对撒哈拉以南非洲选民投票率的影响”，《非洲研究评论》第60期。P. Norris和AA van Es，支票簿选举?:《比较视角下的政治金融》(牛津:牛津大学出版社，2016)。穆纳Ndulo。《宪法和宪法改革》穆纳Ndulo。《宪法和宪法改革》IDEA，选举正义手册:国际理念手册概述(斯德哥尔摩:IDEA, 2016)， 5.50 IDEA，“选举正义”，第51页IDEA，“选举正义”，第52页约翰·穆库姆·姆巴库，“宪法话语与非洲可持续发展结构的发展”，《经济学和计量经济学研究》，第22期。约瑟夫·耿·阿克，《冲突后南苏丹宪法建设的困境》，IACL-AIDC(博客)，2021年9月13日，https://blog-iacl-aidc.
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