Mozambique – neither miracle nor mirage

IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Review of African Political Economy Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI:10.1080/03056244.2022.2047297
C. Castel-Branco, E. Greco
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Over two decades, in the 1990s and 2000s, international organisations, development cooperation agencies, financial institutions and the media often described the Mozambican economic, social and political trajectory as a ‘miracle’. Hailed as the ‘rising star’ of Africa in 2005 by the New York Times (2005) and by The Economist, the country has long been praised by neoliberal institutions as a model reformer, open and attractive to foreign direct investment (FDI), and for its high rates of economic growth, soaring primary commodity exports and one-digit inflation. While a milder version of this image of a Mozambican ‘miracle’ persisted throughout the 2010s, it started to clash with the reality of worsening inequality, poverty and crisis in social reproduction, as well as the emergence of the first clear signs of a debt crisis yet to come. In the main cities, violent riots triggered by rising costs of basic wage goods and services, over and above average inflation, erupted in February 2008 and again in September 2010. In September 2010, The Economist described these riots as the revolt of the ‘angry poor’, which did not deter international financial think tanks and media from continuing to emphasise the Mozambican ‘miracle’ (The Economist 2010). The country saw the contradiction of worsening poverty, high aid dependency and inequality at the same time as it was being described by the Financial Times as ‘at the centre of unprecedented international investor attention’ (Financial Times 2012, 2010). In May 2014, in her speech to the Africa Rising conference held in Maputo, IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde highlighted Mozambique’s impressive performance with respect to economic growth as being the result of decades of institution building and sound macroeconomic management, which justified the IMF’s formal permission for Mozambique to obtain new loans on non-concessional terms (Orre and Rønning 2017). Two years later, in 2016, The Economist highlighted the country’s soaring sovereign debt in a context of increasing FDI and aid inflows, and the creditworthiness of the Mozambican economy was downgraded by credit rating agencies from stable average, where it had been from 2003 to 2015, to severe risk of default (Castel-Branco 2020). How can we make sense of this somehow contradictory information? Is Mozambique a ‘miracle’ or a ‘mirage’? International commentators exposed some of the paradoxes and contradictions that characterise the crisis of capital accumulation and social reproduction in Mozambique, but they could not understand its systemic nature, the dialectic relationship between expansion and crises in the mode of capital accumulation in Mozambique or, as Marx and Engels (1969 [1848]) would have put it, the class-structured, historically built systemic contradictions of capitalism in Mozambique. The country reproduces the patterns of specialisation and surplus-value production inherited from colonialism and the emerging speculative financialisation of the economy and of the state, as real accumulation has become subordinated to and absorbed by fictitious accumulation, the neglect over the economic and social conditions of labour reproduction. For over two decades, and up to 2015, Mozambique was among the top three most attractive economies for FDI in sub-Saharan Africa, with an annual average GDP growth rate of
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莫桑比克——既不是奇迹,也不是海市蜃楼
20多年来,在20世纪90年代和21世纪初,国际组织、发展合作机构、金融机构和媒体经常将莫桑比克的经济、社会和政治轨迹描述为一个“奇迹”。2005年,南非被《纽约时报》和《经济学人》誉为非洲的“后起之秀”。长期以来,新自由主义机构一直称赞该国是改革的典范,对外国直接投资(FDI)开放且具有吸引力,经济增长率高,初级商品出口飙升,通货膨胀率为一位数。尽管这种莫桑比克“奇迹”形象的温和版本在整个2010年代持续存在,但它开始与不平等、贫困和社会再生产危机加剧的现实发生冲突,并出现了债务危机即将到来的第一个明显迹象。2008年2月和2010年9月,主要城市爆发了由基本工资商品和服务价格上涨引发的暴力骚乱。2010年9月,《经济学人》将这些骚乱描述为“愤怒的穷人”的反抗,这并没有阻止国际金融智库和媒体继续强调莫桑比克的“奇迹”(《经济学人》2010)。该国看到了日益恶化的贫困,高度依赖援助和不平等的矛盾,同时被金融时报描述为“前所未有的国际投资者关注的中心”(金融时报2012年,2010年)。2014年5月,国际货币基金组织总裁克里斯蒂娜·拉加德在马普托举行的非洲崛起会议上发表讲话时强调,莫桑比克在经济增长方面取得了令人印象深刻的成绩,这是数十年制度建设和健全宏观经济管理的结果,这证明国际货币基金组织正式允许莫桑比克获得新的非优惠条件贷款是合理的(Orre和Rønning 2017)。两年后的2016年,《经济学人》强调,在外国直接投资和援助流入增加的背景下,莫桑比克主权债务飙升,信用评级机构将莫桑比克经济的信用评级从2003年至2015年的稳定平均水平下调至严重违约风险(卡斯特-布兰科2020年)。我们怎样才能理解这些相互矛盾的信息呢?莫桑比克是“奇迹”还是“海市蜃楼”?国际评论家揭露了莫桑比克资本积累和社会再生产危机的一些悖论和矛盾,但他们无法理解其系统性本质,无法理解莫桑比克资本积累模式中扩张与危机之间的辩证关系,或者正如马克思和恩格斯(1969[1848])所说的那样,无法理解莫桑比克资本主义的阶级结构、历史构建的系统性矛盾。这个国家复制了从殖民主义和新兴的经济和国家的投机性金融化继承下来的专业化和剩余价值生产模式,因为真实的积累已经从属于并被虚拟的积累所吸收,忽视了劳动再生产的经济和社会条件。截至2015年,20多年来,莫桑比克一直是撒哈拉以南非洲地区最吸引外国直接投资的三大经济体之一,年均GDP增长率为
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
7.70%
发文量
29
期刊介绍: The Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE) is a refereed journal committed to encouraging high quality research and fostering excellence in the understanding of African political economy. Published quarterly by Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group for the ROAPE international collective it has since 1974 provided radical analysis of trends and issues in Africa. It has paid particular attention to the political economy of inequality, exploitation and oppression, whether driven by global forces or local ones (such as class, race, community and gender), and to materialist interpretations of change in Africa. It has sustained a critical analysis of the nature of power and the state in Africa.
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