Review of African Political Economy最新文献

英文中文

Resource nationalism and energy transitions in lower-income countries: the case of Tanzania 低收入国家的资源民族主义和能源转型：坦桑尼亚的案例

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2287878

Japhace Poncian, Rasmus Hundsbæk Pedersen

引用次数: 0

Speaking out, talking back? African feminist politics and decolonial poetics of knowing, organising and loving 大声疾呼，反唇相讥？非洲女权主义政治和了解、组织和爱的非殖民化诗学

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2284524

Rama Salla Dieng

引用次数: 0

South Africa’s unjust climate reparations: a critique of the Just Energy Transition Partnership 南非不公正的气候赔偿:对公正能源转型伙伴关系的批评

3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2278953

Alex Lenferna

SUMMARYThis briefing critically discusses the moral question of whether South Africa deserves climate reparations.Footnote1 It examines the deeply unequal and polluting nature of the South African economy in order to demonstrate how claims from South Africa for climate finance and reparations are morally complex and fraught. For South Africa’s claims for climate reparations and finance to be justified, the article proposes two conditions. First, that South Africa act in line with its fair share of global climate action. Second, that climate finance must help to transform South Africa’s deeply unjust society and bring benefits not to the rich elite, who themselves owe climate reparations, but to the majority, especially the poor, Black and working class.Applying these two principles, the briefing asks whether the Just Energy Transition (JET) Partnership and the accompanying Investment Plan announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa meet those conditions. It argues that they potentially fail to meet both. The piece also warns that global South countries must be critical of JET Partnership funding models, as they may be used as tools to entrench the interests of international financiers who seek to dominate the clean energy future. To counteract such a possibility, climate justice movements should work to ensure that climate finance is a true fulfilment of climate debt owed to the global South, which works to ensure meaningful social, economic and ecological justice.The author writes this piece not just from an academic perspective as a postdoctoral research fellow. He also writes it from his perspective as the elected General Secretary of the South African Climate Justice Coalition – a coalition of over 50 trade union, grassroots, community-based and non-profit organisations working together to advance a transformative climate justice agenda.Footnote2 In his role as general secretary, he has engaged with coalition member organisations and worked to build a shared and critical activist agenda towards both the JET Partnership and the South African government’s response to the climate crisis more generally.KEYWORDS: Climate justiceinternational financedebtrenewable energysocial movementsSouth Africa AcknowledgementsAs a scholar-activist, I am immersed in a movement filled with rich ideas, discussions and critiques. This piece owes much of its insights and thanks to the movement of which I am but a small part.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Here I take the term morality to be describing a system or set of principles and values that are used to determine what should be considered right or wrong, just or unjust, fair or unfair. Conceptions of morality can help to determine what a just and fair society should look like and why we should condemn and rectify inequality, injustice and harms at a systemic, community and individual level. By way of further clarification, I am not talking about a descriptive v

本简报批判性地讨论了南非是否应该得到气候赔偿的道德问题。它考察了南非经济的严重不平等和污染性质，以证明南非对气候融资和赔偿的要求在道德上是多么复杂和令人担忧。为了使南非对气候赔偿和财政的要求得到证明，这篇文章提出了两个条件。首先，南非的行动应符合其在全球气候行动中的公平份额。其次，气候融资必须有助于改变南非极度不公正的社会，并让大多数人受益，尤其是穷人、黑人和工人阶级，而不是富裕的精英阶层(他们自己也欠气候赔款)。根据这两项原则，简报询问总统西里尔·拉马福萨(Cyril Ramaphosa)宣布的公正能源转型伙伴关系(JET)和随附的投资计划是否符合这些条件。它认为，它们可能无法同时满足这两个要求。这篇文章还警告说，全球南方国家必须对JET Partnership的融资模式持批评态度，因为它们可能被用作维护寻求主导清洁能源未来的国际金融家利益的工具。为了消除这种可能性，气候正义运动应努力确保气候融资真正履行欠全球南方国家的气候债务，后者致力于确保有意义的社会、经济和生态正义。作者以博士后研究员的身份写这篇文章，并不仅仅是从学术角度出发。他还以南非气候正义联盟(South African Climate Justice Coalition)当选秘书长的身份写了这篇文章。该联盟由50多个工会、基层、社区和非营利组织组成，共同努力推进变革性气候正义议程。在担任秘书长期间，他与联盟成员组织进行了接触，并致力于为JET伙伴关系和南非政府更广泛地应对气候危机建立一个共享和关键的活动家议程。关键词:气候正义国际金融可再生能源社会运动南非致谢作为一名学者活动家，我沉浸在一个充满丰富思想、讨论和批评的运动中。这篇文章很大程度上归功于它的洞察力，也要感谢这场运动，而我只是其中很小的一部分。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1在这里，我用“道德”一词来描述一个系统或一套原则和价值观，这些原则和价值观被用来决定什么应该被认为是对或错，正义或不公正，公平或不公平。道德观念有助于确定一个公正和公平的社会应该是什么样子，以及为什么我们应该在系统、社区和个人层面谴责和纠正不平等、不公正和伤害。为了进一步澄清，我不是在谈论描述性的道德，试图描述人们碰巧相信什么是道德的。相反，它是对道德的规范性描述，试图概述和规定什么应该被认为是道德的。使用规范道德，本文是应用伦理学的练习，利用特定的道德原则将其应用于气候正义问题关于气候正义联盟的更多信息可以在他们的网站上找到，climatejusticecoalition.org。3这种将气候和殖民赔偿结合起来，作为建设更公正未来的一部分的方法，与Olúfẹ ø mi O. Táíwò (Citation2022)在《重新考虑赔偿》中提出的建设性赔偿观点非常一致。根据这一观点，赔偿是“一种基于历史的关于分配正义的观点，服务于一个更大、更广泛的世界建设项目”。赔偿，如同更广泛的争取社会正义的斗争一样，关系到建立一个正义的未来世界对于那些认为非国大历史上是一个左倾政党的国际读者来说，非国大推动广泛的私有化可能听起来令人惊讶。然而，它构成了非洲人国民大会自1996年以来转向新自由主义的一部分，是能源部门私有化的长期过程的一部分，其特征是灾难资本主义、腐败和国家能源部门资金不足(Bond Citation2000;Lenferna Citation2022) 5在笔者参加的一个讲习班上，一些民间社会行为者表达了对JET投资计划和绿色结构调整的关切。该研讨会是关于国际金融机构的，由替代信息与发展中心和经济正义研究所于2023年6月在约翰内斯堡主办。能源民主工会(Citation2023)成员也提出了这些担忧。这是根据作者于2022年3月在约翰内斯堡大学参加的JET伙伴关系研讨会上工会代表的报告得出的。Lenferna博士的工作是基于国家人文社会科学研究所(NIHSS)支持的研究。由NIHSS资助的任何出版物中表达的意见、发现、结论或建议均为作者的意见、发现、结论或建议，NIHSS对此不承担任何责任。他的工作也基于南非国家研究基金会(NRF)(资助号99188)支持的研究。本工作中表达的意见、发现、结论和建议仅代表作者的观点，NRF对此不承担任何责任。作者简介:alex Lenferna，纳尔逊·曼德拉大学博士后研究员;他隶属于发展研究系，并担任非洲身份和社会凝聚力问题主席。

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引用次数: 0

How capitalism is destroying the Horn of Africa: sheep and the crises in Somalia and Sudan 资本主义是如何摧毁非洲之角的:绵羊和索马里和苏丹的危机

3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2264679

Mark Duffield, Nicholas Stockton

SUMMARYGiven the current turmoil in the Sahel and Sudan, this debate piece addresses an important absence in the commentary. While self-serving explanations relating to climate change, avaricious generals and entrenched ethnic tensions abound, there is little on the deepening crisis within the agro-pastoral economy that directly affects millions of toiling people across the entire region. With reference to the spectacular, but largely ignored, growth in livestock exports from the ostensibly impoverished Horn to the urbanising Gulf states, we argue that over several decades, neoliberalism has transformed the erstwhile reciprocity between ‘farmers’ and ‘herders’ into a relation of permanent war. Favouring armed actors, the historic affinity between merchant capital and raw violence as an economic relation has produced a violent and expansive extractive economy. This internationally facilitated mode of appropriation, with its associated acts of land clearance, dispossession and displacement, is the root cause of the current crisis.KEYWORDS: Livestock tradewaragro-pastoralismneoliberalismurbanisationprimitive accumulationde-developmentclearancesdispossession Disclosure statementThe authors declare no conflict of interest.Notes1 In 2017, the combined ruminant livestock exports of these countries was 5.6 million heads (source: FAOSTAT).2 Mostly involving the period between1970 and 2021, our reworking of this data is contained in 24 graphs covering the Gulf and Horn livestock trade; selected Gulf development data; and Sudan and Somalia international aid data. These graphs can be found in the Supplementary Materials.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMark DuffieldMark Duffield is an Emeritus Professor and former director of the Global Insecurities Centre, University of Bristol. In the 1980s, he was Oxfam’s Country Representative, Sudan.Nicholas StocktonNicholas Stockton is a former Senior Humanitarian Advisor with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), former Director of the Humanitarian Accountability Partnership, former Emergencies Director of Oxfam GB and former Oxfam GB representative in Southern Sudan and Uganda. Both have spent decades variously critiquing capitalism and questioning the international aid industry.

鉴于目前萨赫勒地区和苏丹的动荡，这篇辩论文章弥补了评论中一个重要的缺失。尽管有关气候变化、贪得无厌的将军和根深蒂固的民族紧张关系的自私解释比比皆是，但对农牧经济内部日益加深的危机却鲜有提及，这种危机直接影响到整个地区数百万辛勤劳动的人民。关于从表面上贫穷的非洲之角到正在城市化的海湾国家的牲畜出口的惊人增长，但在很大程度上被忽视，我们认为，在过去的几十年里，新自由主义已经把过去“农民”和“牧民”之间的互惠关系转变为一种永久的战争关系。作为一种经济关系，商业资本和原始暴力之间的历史亲缘关系有利于武装行动者，产生了一种暴力和扩张的采掘经济。这种由国际推动的占有方式，以及与之相关的土地清理、剥夺和流离失所行为，是当前危机的根源。关键词:畜牧贸易，农业，畜牧业，新自由主义，城市化，原始积累，发展，清理，剥夺，披露声明作者声明无利益冲突。注1 2017年，这些国家的反刍牲畜出口总额为560万头(来源:粮农组织统计数据库)主要涉及1970年至2021年期间，我们对这些数据进行了重新处理，包含在24张图表中，涵盖了海湾和非洲之角的牲畜贸易;选定的海湾开发数据;以及苏丹和索马里的国际援助数据。这些图表可以在补充资料中找到。作者简介mark Duffield是布里斯托尔大学全球不安全中心的名誉教授和前主任。1980年代，他曾担任乐施会驻苏丹代表。尼古拉斯·斯托克顿尼古拉斯·斯托克顿是联合国人道主义事务协调办公室(UNOCHA)前高级人道主义顾问，人道主义问责伙伴关系前主任，英国乐施会前紧急事务主任，英国乐施会前驻苏丹南部和乌干达代表。几十年来，他们都在批判资本主义，质疑国际援助行业。

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引用次数: 0

Contradictions to decent African jobs under energy transition-related extractivism: the case of graphite mining in Mozambique 与能源转型相关的采掘主义下非洲体面工作的矛盾：莫桑比克石墨开采案例

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2288485

E. Namaganda

ABSTRACT The power of African labour to bargain for better terms of employment is an important precondition to ensuring decent jobs under energy transition-related resource (ETR) extraction and the global renewable energy sector more broadly. Through the lens of graphite mining communities in Cabo Delgado Province in Mozambique, this article examines the socio-economic contradictions constraining the power of residents to negotiate decent jobs from ETR projects in Cabo Delgado and other regions of the country. Six principal but intertwined contradictions are identified, including regional antipathies and limited livelihood alternatives, engaging energy transition discussions in Mozambique on the issues unfolding at the local level which inhibit workers from negotiating decent jobs. A micro-level perspective to examining challenges to decent African jobs enables critical reflection on the local aptness of climate change policies, such as the energy transition, which are predominantly discussed at the global, regional and national levels.

摘要非洲劳工争取更好就业条件的谈判能力是确保能源转型相关资源（ETR）开采和全球可再生能源部门提供体面工作的重要先决条件。本文以莫桑比克德尔加杜角省的石墨开采社区为视角，探讨了制约居民从德尔加杜角省和该国其他地区的能源转型相关资源开采项目中争取体面工作的社会经济矛盾。文章指出了六种主要但相互交织的矛盾，包括地区反感和有限的生计选择，使莫桑比克的能源转型讨论涉及到地方层面正在发生的问题，这些问题阻碍了工人就体面工作进行谈判。从微观层面审视非洲体面工作所面临的挑战，有助于批判性地反思气候变化政策（如能源转型）在当地的适用性，这些政策主要在全球、地区和国家层面进行讨论。

引用次数: 0

Autonomous projects in the face of the global fishing market: women fish processors in Senegal in a context of climate emergency 面对全球渔业市场的自主项目：气候紧急情况下的塞内加尔妇女鱼类加工者

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2293607

Susana Moreno-Maestro

ABSTRACT This article aims to analyse the difficult relationship between the needs of the Senegalese state to obtain economic compensation for the over-exploitation of natural resources, the right to food sovereignty of the local population, and the survival of the environment. It focuses on the fisheries agreements signed by Senegal with the European Union (EU) and how these have an impact on the conditions of people who make a living from the sector, analysing the situation and the self-organising of women involved in fish processing, an activity that sustains their autonomy and their ongoing reproduction as a collective. Declared goals of sustainable fishing in the latest protocol implementing the EU–Senegal Fisheries Agreement (2019–2024) are at odds with the actual over-exploitation of the marine environment. The commitment expressed in Article 2 of the agreement to ‘promote sustainable fishing and protect marine biodiversity’ contrasts with the lived experiences of women fish processors, expressed in denunciations of campaigns such as Greenpeace Afrique’s AnaSamaJën (where is my fish?). Based on the assumption that overfishing is a form of extractivism that undermines food sovereignty and the sustainability of local societies, this article first analyses the agreements signed between Senegal and the EU, including their clear anthropocentric ontology (Escobar 2017) and discusses how the state takes up the financial, environmental and food challenges posed by climate change. The second part, based on fieldwork and interviews with women fish processors and other actors in the sector, shows how these international agreements affect their economic and social conditions as well as their resistance, where social struggles and environmental thinking are linked.

ABSTRACT 本文旨在分析塞内加尔国家为过度开采自然资源获取经济补偿的需求、当地居民的粮食主权权利和环境生存之间的困难关系。本报告重点关注塞内加尔与欧盟（EU）签署的渔业协定，以及这些协定如何影响以渔业为生的人们的生活条件，分析了从事鱼类加工的妇女的处境和自我组织情况，这项活动维持着她们的自主权和作为一个集体的持续再生产。欧盟-塞内加尔渔业协定（2019-2024 年）最新实施议定书中宣布的可持续渔业目标与海洋环境的实际过度开发不符。该协定第 2 条所表达的 "促进可持续渔业和保护海洋生物多样性 "的承诺，与非洲绿色和平组织的 AnaSamaJën （我的鱼在哪里？）基于过度捕捞是一种破坏粮食主权和当地社会可持续性的采掘主义的假设，本文首先分析了塞内加尔与欧盟签署的协议，包括其明确的人类中心主义本体论（埃斯科瓦尔，2017 年），并讨论了国家如何应对气候变化带来的金融、环境和粮食挑战。第二部分基于实地调查和对女性鱼类加工者及该行业其他参与者的访谈，展示了这些国际协议如何影响她们的经济和社会状况以及她们的反抗，其中社会斗争和环境思考是相互关联的。

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引用次数: 0

Dismantling green colonialism: energy and climate justice in the Arab region 拆除绿色殖民主义：阿拉伯地区的能源和气候正义

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2293355

Elia Apostolopoulou

引用次数: 0

Green imperialism, sovereignty, and the quest for national development in the Congo 绿色帝国主义、主权和对刚果国家发展的追求

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2277616

B. Radley

ABSTRACT This article deploys the term ‘green imperialism’ to denote the specificities of contemporary imperialism within the context of the hoped-for global transition towards low-carbon capitalist economies and societies in the coming decades. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) provides a modern exemplar of green imperialist dynamics in action. Hegemonic powers are seeking to position the Congolese economy as an exporter of low-cost, low-carbon metals and an open market for the entry of renewable energy finance and technologies. To date, the political response to green imperialism in the DRC has reproduced a model of mining-led national development that historically has delivered little by way of material improvements for most of the population, thus undermining the prospects of prosperity in the country. Albeit this time around there is the possibility of expanded access for some to renewable forms of energy as a foreign-owned private commodity, with all the limitations and contradictions this new model of energy delivery entails.

ABSTRACT 本文使用 "绿色帝国主义 "一词来描述在未来几十年全球有望向低碳资本主义经济和社会转型的背景下当代帝国主义的特殊性。刚果民主共和国（DRC）是绿色帝国主义动态的一个现代范例。霸权国家正试图将刚果经济定位为低成本、低碳金属的出口国，以及可再生能源资金和技术进入的开放市场。迄今为止，刚果（金）对绿色帝国主义的政治回应一直沿用矿业主导的国家发展模式，这种模式在历史上几乎没有为大多数人带来物质上的改善，从而破坏了国家繁荣的前景。尽管这一次有可能扩大一些人获得作为外资私有商品的可再生能源的机会，但这种新的能源供应模式会带来各种限制和矛盾。

引用次数: 0

The climate emergency in Africa 非洲的气候紧急情况

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2293419

Lee Wengraf, Janet Bujra, Chanda Mfula, Elisa Greco, Ray Bush

引用次数: 0

Politics of turbulent waters: reflections on ecological, environmental and climate crises in Africa 动荡水域的政治：对非洲生态、环境和气候危机的思考

IF 1.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Review of African Political Economy

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2287880

Isaac ‘Asume’ Osuoka

引用次数: 0

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