{"title":"SRBIJA I POLITIČKI ODNOSI U JUGOSLAVIJI U VREME SAHRANE ALEKSANDRA RANKOVIĆA 1983: TAČKE SUKOBA","authors":"Slobodan Selinić","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.sel.415-434","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Serbia’s political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Istorija 20. veka","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.sel.415-434","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
Serbia’s political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.
Josip Broz去世后,塞尔维亚的政治地位是由国家的两种努力决定的。首先,塞尔维亚领导人旨在改变其在南斯拉夫联邦的不平等地位。其次,他们旨在阻止塞尔维亚内部的分裂,1974年《宪法》颁布后,这种分裂稳步发展。塞尔维亚领导人与波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、克罗地亚和自治省的一些政界和领导人之间的政治关系紧张。在1983年的几次冲突之后,情况更加恶化。尽管波斯尼亚、克罗地亚和伏伊伏丁那的政治家反对德拉戈斯拉夫·马科维奇(被描述为塞尔维亚政治团结的坚定倡导者),他还是在1983年当选为南斯拉夫共产党联盟(CK SKJ)中央委员会主席。塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的关系在贝尔格莱德出版《科皮尼奇之谜》一书后进一步受损。克罗地亚领导人反对这份出版物,因为它揭示了——就该党而言——关于两次世界大战期间和二战期间的不良信息。主要的对抗来自对Aleksandar Ranković葬礼上发生的事件的解释(主要是关于谁应对大规模集会负责以及对死者的尊重态度)。联邦政党以及南斯拉夫各共和国和贝尔格莱德的政党联合谴责这些事件是反对政府的政治集会。然而,他们对谁应对这起事件负责以及是什么引起了公众的强烈抗议意见不一。来自自治省、克罗地亚和波斯尼亚的CK SKJ主席指责塞尔维亚和塞尔维亚共产党表现出民族主义。他们还要求贝尔格莱德市委为集会的举行负责。与此相反,塞尔维亚领导层支持的伊万·斯塔姆博利奇领导的贝尔格莱德市委员会认为,骚乱是由整体政治、经济和社会危机引起的,而联邦政府对此负有责任。