Agency and Structure in Latin American Regime Change

IF 1.6 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Journal of Politics in Latin America Pub Date : 2020-10-22 DOI:10.1177/1866802X20959501
B. Ames, Ignacio Mamone
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Transitions from authoritarianism and breakdowns of democracy have long been central puzzles for scholars of Latin American politics. Because structural explanations have proved to be weak, recent work has emphasised political agency. This strand of research is promising, but major questions remain unanswered: Who are the key actors driving regime change? How do their individual preferences affect transitions and breakdowns? This article focuses on three central members of the political elite: presidents, opposition leaders, and military commanders. These actors develop unique preferences about regimes and unique degrees of radicalism regarding their preferred policies; in turn, these preferences and radicalism affect the probabilities of regime change. Testing the argument in 20 nations between 1945 and 2010, we find that an average measure of preferences masks crucial distinctions in the chain of regime change. Transitions to a competitive regime are more likely when autocrats have low intrinsic commitments to dictatorship. The survival of democracies hinges on whether top military officials develop pro-democratic preferences. The role of executive preferences, by contrast, is moderated by the attachments and radicalism of opposition leaders. Next, we examine how structural contexts shape both preferences and political outcomes, finding that economic development shapes both the emergence of preferences and radicalism and their impacts on regime change. Our findings improve the validity of political agency theories and reconcile the roles of actors with the environments in which regimes emerge and fall.
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拉丁美洲政权更迭中的机构与结构
长期以来,威权主义的过渡和民主的崩溃一直是拉美政治学者的核心难题。由于结构性解释已被证明是站不住脚的,最近的研究着重于政治机构。这一系列的研究很有前景,但主要问题仍未得到解答:谁是推动政权更迭的关键人物?他们的个人偏好如何影响过渡和崩溃?本文主要关注政治精英的三个核心成员:总统、反对派领导人和军事指挥官。这些行为体对政权产生了独特的偏好,对其偏好的政策产生了独特程度的激进主义;反过来,这些偏好和激进主义会影响政权更迭的可能性。我们在1945年至2010年间的20个国家对这一论点进行了测试,发现对偏好的平均衡量掩盖了政权更迭链条中的关键区别。当独裁者对独裁的内在承诺较低时,向竞争体制过渡的可能性更大。民主的生存取决于高级军事官员是否发展出亲民主的偏好。相比之下,行政偏好的作用被反对派领导人的依恋和激进主义所缓和。接下来,我们研究了结构背景如何塑造偏好和政治结果,发现经济发展既塑造了偏好和激进主义的出现,也塑造了它们对政权更迭的影响。我们的研究结果提高了政治代理理论的有效性,并调和了行为者的角色与政权产生和垮台的环境。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
13
审稿时长
8 weeks
期刊最新文献
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