The Rise and Fall of Seneca Tragicus, c. 1365–1593

IF 0.1 2区 艺术学 0 ART JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES Pub Date : 2014-01-01 DOI:10.1086/JWCI24396003
Jan Machielsen
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引用次数: 21

Abstract

Among Renaissance debates about the authorship of classical texts, relatively little attention has been paid to the reception of the entangled corpus produced by the rhetorician Lucius (or Marcus) Annaeus Seneca and his more famous son, the philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Younger.1 This historiographical lacuna is especially curious given the drawn-out nature of the discussion, which began with Petrarch and Boccaccio and involved prominent literati such as Justus Lipsius and Joseph Scaliger. The roughly analogous case of the two Plinys—the naturalist Pliny the Elder and his nephew Pliny the Younger—was successfully resolved in the early fourteenth century. In the Senecas debate, similarly, knowledge of the existence of a second author with the same name was lost during the Middle Ages but recovered during the early Renaissance. Unlike that case, however, no smoking gun (Pliny the Younger's account of his uncle's death during the eruption of Vesuvius) was available to clinch the argument.2 Instead, the modern consensus emerged only in the late sixteenth century, after two centuries of scholarly discus sion. That one Seneca was the philosopher forced to commit suicide under Nero was never in doubt, but the search for a second author did not settle on his father, instead producing a fictitious Seneca tragicus, whose identity and motives became the subject of fervent speculation. The recovery of contradictory and, for a time, incomplete testimony from antiquity first sparked off and then finally settled the confusion. In particular, two near-contemporaries of Seneca—Martial and Quintilian—played crucial parts in the story of the birth and demise of Seneca tragicus. Although Martial's role in first prompting the debate has been widely recognised, the way his evidence structured later positions has not—nor the ways in which it was sometimes purposefully hidden. The role of Quintilian's statements in deciding the question has thus far been largely ignored. The present article will, necessarily, sift through the witness testimony available to the disputants but will also pay careful attention to their personal motivations and philosophical commitments. The high esteem in which Seneca's philosophical
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塞内加·Tragicus的兴衰(约1365-1593)
在文艺复兴时期关于古典文本作者的争论中,很少有人注意到修辞学家卢修斯(或马库斯)安纽斯·塞内加和他更著名的儿子,哲学家小卢修斯·安纽斯·塞内加所产生的纠结语料库的接受情况。它始于彼特拉克和薄伽丘,包括著名的文人,如尤斯图斯·利普修斯和约瑟夫·斯卡利格。两个普林尼——博物学家老普林尼和他的侄子小普林尼——大致类似的案例在14世纪早期成功地解决了。同样,在塞内卡斯的辩论中,关于另一位同名作者存在的知识在中世纪消失了,但在文艺复兴早期恢复了。然而,与那个案例不同的是,没有确凿的证据(小普林尼对他叔叔在维苏威火山爆发期间死亡的描述)可以证明这个论点相反,经过两个世纪的学术讨论,现代共识直到16世纪晚期才出现。塞内加是尼禄统治下被迫自杀的哲学家,这一点毋庸置疑,但寻找第二个作者的过程并没有确定是他的父亲,而是虚构了一个塞内加悲剧,他的身份和动机成为了人们热烈猜测的主题。在一段时间内,从古代恢复的相互矛盾的、不完整的证词首先引发了混乱,然后最终解决了混乱。特别值得一提的是,塞内加的两个同时代人——马夏尔和昆提利安在塞内加的生死故事中扮演了至关重要的角色。尽管马夏尔在第一次引发辩论中所起的作用已得到广泛认可,但他的证据构建后来立场的方式却没有得到广泛认可——也没有被有意隐藏的方式。到目前为止,昆提连的陈述在决定这个问题中的作用在很大程度上被忽视了。这篇文章必然会筛选争论双方可用的证人证词,但也会仔细关注他们的个人动机和哲学承诺。塞内加哲学的崇高威望
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