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{"title":"THE INTERNATIONAL PEACEBUILDING PARADOX: POWER SHARING AND POST-CONFLICT GOVERNANCE IN BURUNDI","authors":"D. Curtis","doi":"10.1093/AFRAF/ADS080","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"At first glance, Burundi represents a successful negotiated transition to peaceful governance through power sharing, and a justification for regional and international peacebuilders' involvement. It is undeniable that Burundi is safer than it was a decade or two ago. Most notably, while Burundi was once known for its ethnic divisions and antagonism, today ethnicity is no longer the most salient feature around which conflict is generated. Nevertheless, this article argues that the Burundian experience illuminates international peacebuilding contradictions. Peacebuilding in Burundi highlights the complex interplay between outside ideas and interests, and multiple Burundian ideas and interests. This is illustrated by the negotiation and implementation of governance institutions and practices in Burundi. Outsiders promoted governance ideas that were in line with their favoured conception of peacebuilding, and Burundian politicians renegotiated and reinterpreted these institutions and practices. Even as international rhetoric about peacebuilding emphasized liberal governance and inclusive participation, narrower conceptions of peacebuilding as stabilization and control became dominant. Thus, encounters between international, regional, and local actors have produced governance arrangements that are at odds with their liberal and inclusionary rhetorics. Paradoxically, the activities of international peacebuilders have contributed to an ‘order’ in Burundi where violence, coercion, and militarism remain central. THE QUESTION OF HOW TO BUILD PEACE after violent conflict continues to preoccupy international policy makers. From Iraq to Afghanistan, from Cote d’Ivoire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), neither military operations nor negotiated settlements alongside peacekeeping operations have offered clear pathways to peace. There is much disagreement over what kinds of peacebuilding activities should be prioritized, under what timeframe, and under whose authority. Continued discussions *Devon Curtis (dc403@cam.ac.uk) is a lecturer in the Department of Politics and International Studies at the University of Cambridge. Special thanks to three anonymous reviewers and the editors for their very helpful comments. African Affairs, 112/446, 72–91 doi: 10.1093/afraf/ads080 © The Author 2012. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved Advance Access Publication 14 December 2012","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"116 1","pages":"72-91"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9000,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/AFRAF/ADS080","citationCount":"87","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"African Affairs","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/AFRAF/ADS080","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"AREA STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
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国际建设和平悖论:布隆迪的权力分享和冲突后治理
乍一看,布隆迪代表着通过权力分享成功地通过谈判过渡到和平治理,并为区域和国际和平建设者的参与提供了理由。不可否认的是,布隆迪比十年前或二十年前更安全。最值得注意的是,虽然布隆迪曾经以其种族分裂和对立而闻名,但今天种族已不再是产生冲突的最显著特征。然而,本文认为布隆迪的经验说明了国际建设和平的矛盾。布隆迪的建设和平突出了外部思想和利益与布隆迪多种思想和利益之间复杂的相互作用。布隆迪治理机构和做法的谈判和执行就说明了这一点。局外人提出了与他们所青睐的建设和平理念相一致的治理理念,布隆迪政客们重新谈判和解释了这些机构和做法。尽管国际上关于建设和平的言论强调自由治理和包容性参与,但将建设和平视为稳定和控制的狭隘概念却占据了主导地位。因此,国际、地区和地方行动者之间的接触产生了与其自由主义和包容性言论相矛盾的治理安排。矛盾的是,国际和平建设者的活动促成了布隆迪的“秩序”,暴力,胁迫和军国主义仍然是中心。如何在暴力冲突后建立和平的问题继续困扰着国际政策制定者。从伊拉克到阿富汗,从科特迪瓦到刚果民主共和国,军事行动和与维持和平行动同时进行的谈判解决都没有提供通往和平的明确途径。对于什么样的建设和平活动应该优先、在什么时间框架下以及在谁的授权下进行,存在很大分歧。继续讨论*德文·柯蒂斯(dc403@cam.ac.uk),剑桥大学政治与国际研究系讲师。特别感谢三位匿名审稿人和编辑,他们的评论非常有帮助。非洲事务,112/446,72-91 doi: 10.1093/afraf/ads080©作者2012。牛津大学出版社代表皇家非洲学会出版。Advance Access Publication 2012年12月14日
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