Is the geography of armed conflict in Africa becoming more urban? To answer this question, I link georeferenced data on the timing and location of armed conflict and protest events to continent-wide geospatial data on human settlement patterns. Comparing rates of conflict and contention in rural versus urban areas over time, I argue that, contrary to conventional wisdom, claims surrounding the ‘urbanization of conflict’ in Africa are premature. I find that the urbanization of conflict hypothesis only holds in North Africa, where armed conflict and protest are both increasingly urban phenomenon. In contrast, while the frequency of urban protest in sub-Saharan Africa has also increased substantially, conventional armed conflicts in rural areas have also risen over the same period. My study provides a quantitative summary of key patterns and trends in protest and conflict in Africa contributing to ongoing debates surrounding the frequency and character of violent and non-violent political contests on the continent.
{"title":"The urbanization of conflict? Patterns of armed conflict and protest in Africa","authors":"Nick Dorward","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae025","url":null,"abstract":"Is the geography of armed conflict in Africa becoming more urban? To answer this question, I link georeferenced data on the timing and location of armed conflict and protest events to continent-wide geospatial data on human settlement patterns. Comparing rates of conflict and contention in rural versus urban areas over time, I argue that, contrary to conventional wisdom, claims surrounding the ‘urbanization of conflict’ in Africa are premature. I find that the urbanization of conflict hypothesis only holds in North Africa, where armed conflict and protest are both increasingly urban phenomenon. In contrast, while the frequency of urban protest in sub-Saharan Africa has also increased substantially, conventional armed conflicts in rural areas have also risen over the same period. My study provides a quantitative summary of key patterns and trends in protest and conflict in Africa contributing to ongoing debates surrounding the frequency and character of violent and non-violent political contests on the continent.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142588669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is a biography of Paul, a Christian who joined Boko Haram and became one of its prominent bomb makers. After coming out of the underground, he became an army auxiliary in Kolofata and its environs, in the far north of Cameroon. Paul’s autobiographical narratives were cross-checked with other sources, including interviews with former insurgents and hostages, and officials of the Cameroonian army and the Multinational Joint Task Force. Paul’s narrative offers insight to understand why an individual would join, make a career in, and leave a terrorist group. His life story highlights the issue of human rights in the context of counterinsurgency and the importance of psychological operations in the fight against Boko Haram.
{"title":"Itinerary of a Christian Ex-Boko Haram bomb maker in Cameroon","authors":"Raoul Sumo Tayo","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae021","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is a biography of Paul, a Christian who joined Boko Haram and became one of its prominent bomb makers. After coming out of the underground, he became an army auxiliary in Kolofata and its environs, in the far north of Cameroon. Paul’s autobiographical narratives were cross-checked with other sources, including interviews with former insurgents and hostages, and officials of the Cameroonian army and the Multinational Joint Task Force. Paul’s narrative offers insight to understand why an individual would join, make a career in, and leave a terrorist group. His life story highlights the issue of human rights in the context of counterinsurgency and the importance of psychological operations in the fight against Boko Haram.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142488726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Much has been written and said about the consequences of climate change on security in the West African Sahel. Sceptics argue that claims about the links between global warming and conflict dynamics rest on limited evidence and questionable assumptions. Others work on the institutionalization and operationalization of climate security. This implementation seems inevitable, if slow, difficult, and at times vague, as there is simply no consensus on what climate security implies in practice and what it is meant to achieve. What is climate security, and whose climate security are we talking about? This article analyses climate security as a structure of knowledge and a set of epistemic relationships that inform practices and relationships. It draws on participant observations of a Dakar-based research group that travelled to Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey. At the intersection of research, policy, and programme implementation, this case study provides a unique look into the emergence of climate security relations and practices. The findings point to the rising structural force of climate security and how it can overcome both research uncertainties and sensitive diplomatic relations. The article shows that there is more to climate security than the focus on the conflict-climate nexus lets on.
{"title":"The production of climate security futures in the West African Sahel","authors":"Bruno Charbonneau","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae020","url":null,"abstract":"Much has been written and said about the consequences of climate change on security in the West African Sahel. Sceptics argue that claims about the links between global warming and conflict dynamics rest on limited evidence and questionable assumptions. Others work on the institutionalization and operationalization of climate security. This implementation seems inevitable, if slow, difficult, and at times vague, as there is simply no consensus on what climate security implies in practice and what it is meant to achieve. What is climate security, and whose climate security are we talking about? This article analyses climate security as a structure of knowledge and a set of epistemic relationships that inform practices and relationships. It draws on participant observations of a Dakar-based research group that travelled to Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey. At the intersection of research, policy, and programme implementation, this case study provides a unique look into the emergence of climate security relations and practices. The findings point to the rising structural force of climate security and how it can overcome both research uncertainties and sensitive diplomatic relations. The article shows that there is more to climate security than the focus on the conflict-climate nexus lets on.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"64 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142404966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In contexts of high insecurity and mistrust in the police, how and why do local residents still choose to collaborate with the police, and what is the role of community policing in such considerations? Research on policing in Africa has emphasized the structural and macropolitical barriers to effective police reform, including institutionalized cultures of impunity and corruption. Less attention, however, has been paid to the contextual and relational dynamics that shape police-community collaboration. We argue that a relational perspective, which centres local residents’ interactions with police and community policing structures, provides novel insights into the challenges of policing reforms. This perspective also demonstrates how contingent and incremental trust can be built in very challenging circumstances. We study these dynamics in Karagita and Kaptembwo, two low-income urban settlements in Nakuru County, Kenya, that have experienced violent crime and repeated electoral violence. Despite considerable challenges of crime, police misconduct, and political interference in these settlements, our findings point to how positive everyday interaction and community policing structures can contribute to incremental improvements in police-community relationships. In contrast to existing work on African policing that primarily highlights the challenges of police reform, this study offers insights into when reform has the potential to be effective.
{"title":"Policing and Citizen Trust in Kenya: How Community Policing Shapes Local Trust-Building and Collaboration","authors":"Patrick Mutahi, Kristine Höglund, Emma Elfversson","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae018","url":null,"abstract":"In contexts of high insecurity and mistrust in the police, how and why do local residents still choose to collaborate with the police, and what is the role of community policing in such considerations? Research on policing in Africa has emphasized the structural and macropolitical barriers to effective police reform, including institutionalized cultures of impunity and corruption. Less attention, however, has been paid to the contextual and relational dynamics that shape police-community collaboration. We argue that a relational perspective, which centres local residents’ interactions with police and community policing structures, provides novel insights into the challenges of policing reforms. This perspective also demonstrates how contingent and incremental trust can be built in very challenging circumstances. We study these dynamics in Karagita and Kaptembwo, two low-income urban settlements in Nakuru County, Kenya, that have experienced violent crime and repeated electoral violence. Despite considerable challenges of crime, police misconduct, and political interference in these settlements, our findings point to how positive everyday interaction and community policing structures can contribute to incremental improvements in police-community relationships. In contrast to existing work on African policing that primarily highlights the challenges of police reform, this study offers insights into when reform has the potential to be effective.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142160486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ibrahim Bakarr Bangura, Nelly Leblond, Julian Hugo Walker
This paper explores ethical dilemmas in relation to practices of alcohol and drug consumption in the workplace by manual pit emptiers in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Based on observations and interviews with workers, we come to understand the consumption of painkillers and gin as a mechanism to alleviate stigma, rather than an issue of addiction. Indeed, the consumption of psychoactive substances before manual pit emptying appears as a performance to create a symbolic distance between the worker entering half-naked in a tank filled with faecal sludge and the social being, who would never do so in a ‘normal state of mind’. This analysis calls both for a deconstruction of the policies and rules that shape the sanitation sector as shameful and ‘inhuman’ and for proposals to ameliorate those conditions. Furthermore, we explore our positions as researchers on why revealing such practices can make sense in action-oriented research but also must be thought through ethically. Beyond the guidance of institutional ethics boards, the question of short- and long-term engagements with research subjects is central in shaping what ought or ought not to be investigated. We thus contribute to the discussions on how to support better science and practices with and for already stigmatized populations.
{"title":"Stigmatized Professions and Ambiguous Subjects: Methodological Reflections from Sanitation Workers and Opioid Consumption in Sierra Leone","authors":"Ibrahim Bakarr Bangura, Nelly Leblond, Julian Hugo Walker","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae017","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores ethical dilemmas in relation to practices of alcohol and drug consumption in the workplace by manual pit emptiers in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Based on observations and interviews with workers, we come to understand the consumption of painkillers and gin as a mechanism to alleviate stigma, rather than an issue of addiction. Indeed, the consumption of psychoactive substances before manual pit emptying appears as a performance to create a symbolic distance between the worker entering half-naked in a tank filled with faecal sludge and the social being, who would never do so in a ‘normal state of mind’. This analysis calls both for a deconstruction of the policies and rules that shape the sanitation sector as shameful and ‘inhuman’ and for proposals to ameliorate those conditions. Furthermore, we explore our positions as researchers on why revealing such practices can make sense in action-oriented research but also must be thought through ethically. Beyond the guidance of institutional ethics boards, the question of short- and long-term engagements with research subjects is central in shaping what ought or ought not to be investigated. We thus contribute to the discussions on how to support better science and practices with and for already stigmatized populations.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141915260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Legislators make trade-offs when allocating their time and resources to their multiple tasks of representation, legislation, executive oversight, and constituency service. Furthermore, they must decide how much effort to exert or the balance to strike when undertaking a specific function. Existing research provides limited insights into citizens’ preferences over these officeholder multifaceted decisions in sub-Saharan Africa. I offer novel insights into citizens’ preferences using a conjoint survey experiment of Ghanaians to address this knowledge gap. My findings are threefold. First, I find that citizens put more ‘weight’ on constituency-related activities than parliamentary work. Second, in the constituency, citizens value political representation activities more than constituency services. Third, they weigh public-good-oriented constituency services higher than private ones. The research contributes to our understanding of citizen–legislator accountability relationships in sub-Saharan Africa.
{"title":"What do Voters Want From Their Legislators? Evidence From Ghana","authors":"George Kwaku Ofosu","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae013","url":null,"abstract":"Legislators make trade-offs when allocating their time and resources to their multiple tasks of representation, legislation, executive oversight, and constituency service. Furthermore, they must decide how much effort to exert or the balance to strike when undertaking a specific function. Existing research provides limited insights into citizens’ preferences over these officeholder multifaceted decisions in sub-Saharan Africa. I offer novel insights into citizens’ preferences using a conjoint survey experiment of Ghanaians to address this knowledge gap. My findings are threefold. First, I find that citizens put more ‘weight’ on constituency-related activities than parliamentary work. Second, in the constituency, citizens value political representation activities more than constituency services. Third, they weigh public-good-oriented constituency services higher than private ones. The research contributes to our understanding of citizen–legislator accountability relationships in sub-Saharan Africa.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141521340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do young citizens engage with politicians and their political environment in contexts where elections are frequently affected by violence? We explore this question through focus group discussions (FGDs) in Nigeria, a country with high rates of election violence. We argue that young voters in violent electoral environments operate with ‘constrained optimism’, where they perceive low government responsiveness but possess high levels of self-efficacy. Participants condemned violence and expressed little faith in political institutions and leaders to curtail violence, but they also felt a determination to elect a better government and a strong sense of a civic duty to vote, participate in politics, and encourage others to do so as well. Many participants also shared that they would continue to support their preferred candidate if they were accused of violence. Some participants raised concerns about the veracity of such allegations while others explained that politicians sometimes use violence for defensive purposes. Still others stated that they would continue to support candidates who expressed remorse for engaging in violence and committed to peaceful campaigning in the future. Taken together, we argue that young voters in violent contexts operate with ‘constrained optimism’ where they remain committed to democracy, but face constraints on who they support and how they participate. Our findings nuance expectations of the effects of electoral violence on political participation and better help us understand the challenges facing voters in contexts where violence is rife.
{"title":"Nigerian youth engagement in violent electoral environments: Political apathy or ‘Constrained Optimism’?","authors":"Justine Davis, Megan Turnbull","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae010","url":null,"abstract":"How do young citizens engage with politicians and their political environment in contexts where elections are frequently affected by violence? We explore this question through focus group discussions (FGDs) in Nigeria, a country with high rates of election violence. We argue that young voters in violent electoral environments operate with ‘constrained optimism’, where they perceive low government responsiveness but possess high levels of self-efficacy. Participants condemned violence and expressed little faith in political institutions and leaders to curtail violence, but they also felt a determination to elect a better government and a strong sense of a civic duty to vote, participate in politics, and encourage others to do so as well. Many participants also shared that they would continue to support their preferred candidate if they were accused of violence. Some participants raised concerns about the veracity of such allegations while others explained that politicians sometimes use violence for defensive purposes. Still others stated that they would continue to support candidates who expressed remorse for engaging in violence and committed to peaceful campaigning in the future. Taken together, we argue that young voters in violent contexts operate with ‘constrained optimism’ where they remain committed to democracy, but face constraints on who they support and how they participate. Our findings nuance expectations of the effects of electoral violence on political participation and better help us understand the challenges facing voters in contexts where violence is rife.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141177199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contrary to enduring theoretical expectations on neopatrimonialism, family successions are rare in sub-Saharan Africa. This article demonstrates that family successions are difficult to set up and might fail when rulers attempt to implement them. Building on the scholarship on political dynasties and family successions in broader comparative politics, I demonstrate that the study of failed attempts helps unveil the specific mechanisms of such failure. While scholarship documents how formal rules (such as term limits) constrain the ruler’s succession agenda, I contend that other types of constraints -party politics, opposition coalition, and public opinion-might also strongly impact it but have remained underexamined. The Senegal case study helps uncover these constraints. The article begins by emphasizing the theoretical importance and empirical challenges of studying non-cases of family successions and, more specifically, failed attempts. Then, the article examines the Senegalese failed hereditary succession between former President Abdoulaye Wade and his son Karim. Through a longitudinal single-country case study (2000–2024), this article employs process-tracing to uncover the three main interrelated mechanisms, which led to this failure: Popular resentment towards the succession attempt, a succession crisis due to the ruler’s not leaving power, and elite defection leading to party split. In mutually reinforcing each other, these dynamics converged to block the transfer of power from the ruler to his son. Therefore, this single case study of a failed attempt enhances our empirical and theoretical understanding of what drives variation in the success or failure of family succession. I argue that the role of actors (party elites and voters) in the succession process and how they engage with the rules of the game (mainly over party leadership selection and elections) impact the succession outcome.
{"title":"Failed hereditary succession in comparative perspective: The case of Senegal (2000–2024)","authors":"Marie Brossier","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae007","url":null,"abstract":"Contrary to enduring theoretical expectations on neopatrimonialism, family successions are rare in sub-Saharan Africa. This article demonstrates that family successions are difficult to set up and might fail when rulers attempt to implement them. Building on the scholarship on political dynasties and family successions in broader comparative politics, I demonstrate that the study of failed attempts helps unveil the specific mechanisms of such failure. While scholarship documents how formal rules (such as term limits) constrain the ruler’s succession agenda, I contend that other types of constraints -party politics, opposition coalition, and public opinion-might also strongly impact it but have remained underexamined. The Senegal case study helps uncover these constraints. The article begins by emphasizing the theoretical importance and empirical challenges of studying non-cases of family successions and, more specifically, failed attempts. Then, the article examines the Senegalese failed hereditary succession between former President Abdoulaye Wade and his son Karim. Through a longitudinal single-country case study (2000–2024), this article employs process-tracing to uncover the three main interrelated mechanisms, which led to this failure: Popular resentment towards the succession attempt, a succession crisis due to the ruler’s not leaving power, and elite defection leading to party split. In mutually reinforcing each other, these dynamics converged to block the transfer of power from the ruler to his son. Therefore, this single case study of a failed attempt enhances our empirical and theoretical understanding of what drives variation in the success or failure of family succession. I argue that the role of actors (party elites and voters) in the succession process and how they engage with the rules of the game (mainly over party leadership selection and elections) impact the succession outcome.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140845963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rwanda is a posterchild of economic success in twenty-first century Africa. Dominant explanations for the country’s growth use the political settlements framework, asserting that concentrated political power enabled long-term planning. In contrast, this article uses the case of Rwanda’s impressive boom in electricity generation to demonstrate that such concentrated power also distorts policy-making processes, creating a fiscal crisis that jeopardizes Rwanda’s economic transformation. Therefore, this article questions a central premise of the political settlements framework. Concentrated political power in Rwanda enabled rapid and ambitious construction of power plants but resulted in an oversupply crisis, plunging the sector into significant debt and raising the cost of electricity. Rwanda’s political settlement prevented experts from challenging unrealistic targets set by top politicians, which led to a headlong pursuit of electricity generation capacity. To understand this process, we assert the importance of focusing on the bureaucratic/politician relationship, which we label ‘bureaucratic independence’, rather than on the oft-used concept of ‘bureaucratic autonomy’ usually associated with the concentration of political power.
{"title":"The limits of concentrated power: Bureaucratic independence and electricity crises in Rwanda","authors":"Benjamin Chemouni, Barnaby Dye","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae003","url":null,"abstract":"Rwanda is a posterchild of economic success in twenty-first century Africa. Dominant explanations for the country’s growth use the political settlements framework, asserting that concentrated political power enabled long-term planning. In contrast, this article uses the case of Rwanda’s impressive boom in electricity generation to demonstrate that such concentrated power also distorts policy-making processes, creating a fiscal crisis that jeopardizes Rwanda’s economic transformation. Therefore, this article questions a central premise of the political settlements framework. Concentrated political power in Rwanda enabled rapid and ambitious construction of power plants but resulted in an oversupply crisis, plunging the sector into significant debt and raising the cost of electricity. Rwanda’s political settlement prevented experts from challenging unrealistic targets set by top politicians, which led to a headlong pursuit of electricity generation capacity. To understand this process, we assert the importance of focusing on the bureaucratic/politician relationship, which we label ‘bureaucratic independence’, rather than on the oft-used concept of ‘bureaucratic autonomy’ usually associated with the concentration of political power.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140331245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cameroon, traditionally overlooked on the international peace agenda, has recently received increased attention due to mounting security challenges. Operating under an authoritarian regime that denies conflicts while promoting a narrative of stability, the course of international peace-from-below initiatives is profoundly influenced by this constrained political environment. Through in-depth case studies of three ongoing humanitarian crises—the Central African refugees’ influx, the Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa Province insurgency, and the Anglophone conflict—this article contends that localized peace approaches, centring on grassroots reconciliation, may obscure broader structural issues, silence non-state political claims from below, and absolve the state of its responsibilities. Embracing such methodologies not only reinforces authoritarian dynamics but also exhibits a performative dimension, contributing to the establishment of a ‘victor’s peace’ in the absence of military victory.
{"title":"Peacemaking in authoritarian context in Africa: promoting peace from below in Cameroon","authors":"Claire Lefort-Rieu","doi":"10.1093/afraf/adae004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adae004","url":null,"abstract":"Cameroon, traditionally overlooked on the international peace agenda, has recently received increased attention due to mounting security challenges. Operating under an authoritarian regime that denies conflicts while promoting a narrative of stability, the course of international peace-from-below initiatives is profoundly influenced by this constrained political environment. Through in-depth case studies of three ongoing humanitarian crises—the Central African refugees’ influx, the Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa Province insurgency, and the Anglophone conflict—this article contends that localized peace approaches, centring on grassroots reconciliation, may obscure broader structural issues, silence non-state political claims from below, and absolve the state of its responsibilities. Embracing such methodologies not only reinforces authoritarian dynamics but also exhibits a performative dimension, contributing to the establishment of a ‘victor’s peace’ in the absence of military victory.","PeriodicalId":7508,"journal":{"name":"African Affairs","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2024-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140162189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：