The Principle of Non-Intervention Reconsidered: the French July Monarchy, the Public Law of Europe and the Limited Sovereignty of Secondary Countries

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q4 HISTORY NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI:10.1400/268164
M. Šedivý
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The issues of intervention and non-intervention played a significant role in diplomatichistory and became popular topics of political-legal debates as well as scholarlyworks. It is all the more surprising that no complex analysis of France’s application ofthe non-intervention principle after the July Revolution in 1830 has been written,at least in connection with the Italian countries. This principle became an importantdoctrine in French foreign policy during the early 1830s that served as a weaponagainstAustria’s predominance in Italy; the cabinet in Vienna as well as those of Italiancountries were warned from Paris that any military intervention of the former in theinternal affairs of the latter, even if formally requested by their monarchs, would beregarded by the French government as a violation of the non-intervention principle,even as a casus belli. As this article attempts to prove, with this approach the Frenchpolitical and diplomatic elites in no way wished to support the liberalisation of Italyby offering a shield to local political radicals against Austria’s intervention but merelyto establish a sphere of influence in designated states of secondary power. The practicaloutcome of this geopolitical game would have been the restriction of the sovereigntyof some Italian states if the non-intervention principle had been accepted, a similaroutcome as witnessed later by history with Brezhnev’s famous Doctrine of 1968 aboutthe limited sovereignty of the socialist countries in Europe
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不干涉原则的再思考:法国七月王朝、欧洲公法与次要国家的有限主权
干涉和不干涉的问题在外交史上发挥了重要作用,并成为政治法律辩论和学术著作的热门话题。更令人惊讶的是,没有人对1830年七月革命后法国对不干涉原则的应用进行复杂的分析,至少没有人对意大利国家进行分析。在19世纪30年代早期,这一原则成为法国外交政策的重要原则,并成为对抗奥地利在意大利占主导地位的武器;巴黎警告维也纳内阁和意大利内阁,前者对后者内政的任何军事干预,即使是应其君主的正式请求,也会被法国政府视为违反不干涉原则,甚至视为宣战理由。正如本文试图证明的那样,通过这种方式,法国的政治和外交精英绝不希望通过为当地政治激进分子提供盾牌来反对奥地利的干预来支持意大利的自由化,而仅仅是为了在指定的次要权力国家建立一个势力范围。这种地缘政治游戏的实际结果是,如果不干涉原则被接受,一些意大利国家的主权将受到限制,类似的结果后来在勃列日涅夫1968年著名的关于欧洲社会主义国家有限主权的学说中得到了证实
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
43
期刊介绍: La «Nuova Rivista Storica» fu fondata nel 1917 da Corrado Barbagallo: era in corso la prima guerra mondiale ed è probabile che quanto avveniva nel nostro paese e in tutta l’Europa sia stato determinante nel condizionarne il programma che fu pensato «un po’ diverso da quello comune alle altre riviste storiche» (Il nostro programma, firmato La Redazione, fasc.1, a. 1 gennaio-marzo 1917). In esso si auspicava infatti di poter «esercitare una speciale azione nell’ambito della nostra cultura storiografica: quella che nel pensiero dei suoi ideatori è parsa la più conforme ai bisogni dell’ora che volge».
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