The Global Determinants of U.S. Foreign Affairs Law

IF 1 4区 社会学 Stanford Journal of International Law Pub Date : 2013-09-17 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.2120639
Daniel Abebe
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引用次数: 14

Abstract

A recurring debate in foreign affairs law focuses on the appropriate level of congressional and judicial deference to the President. In answering that question, most scholars focus on the Constitution, Supreme Court precedent, and historical practice for guidance, or evaluate the expertise and strategic incentives of Congress, the President, and the courts. For these scholars, the inquiry exclusively centers on domestic, internal constraints on the President. But this analysis is incomplete. Determination of the appropriate level of deference has consequences for how the President can pursue U.S. interests abroad. If the United States wants to be successful in achieving its foreign policy goals, it requires some consideration of the external world in which the President acts. This Article challenges the conventional wisdom by arguing that the appropriate level of constraint on the President requires an evaluation of both internal constraints from domestic sources and external constraints from international politics. It provides a framework to integrate both sets of constraints, develops a theory of external constraints, and describes the normative implications of this approach for foreign affairs law. The Article argues that the failure to account for both internal and external constraints and to recognize their relationship might yield a deference regime that either does not provide the President with sufficient freedom to pursue U.S. interests (over-constrained), or leaves the President free to act without sufficient congressional and judicial oversight (under-constrained). It further explains the conditions under which higher and lower levels of constraints are preferable and moves us closer to determining the appropriate level of deference to the President in foreign affairs.
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美国外交法的全球决定因素
外交事务法中反复出现的争论集中在国会和司法部门对总统的适当尊重程度上。在回答这个问题时,大多数学者都以宪法、最高法院先例和历史实践为指导,或者评估国会、总统和法院的专业知识和战略动机。对于这些学者来说,调查完全集中在总统的国内、内部约束上。但这种分析是不完整的。决定适当程度的尊重对总统如何在海外追求美国利益有影响。如果美国想要成功地实现其外交政策目标,就需要对总统所处的外部世界进行一些考虑。本文对传统观点提出了挑战,认为对总统施加适当程度的约束需要对来自国内来源的内部约束和国际政治的外部约束进行评估。它提供了一个框架来整合这两组约束,发展了外部约束理论,并描述了这种方法对外交事务法的规范性含义。文章认为,未能考虑到内部和外部约束并认识到它们之间的关系可能会产生一种顺从制度,这种制度要么不能为总统提供足够的自由来追求美国利益(过度约束),要么使总统在没有足够的国会和司法监督的情况下自由行事(约束不足)。它进一步解释了在何种条件下更高和更低程度的限制是可取的,并使我们更接近于确定在外交事务中对总统的适当尊重程度。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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期刊介绍: Founded in 1966, the Stanford Journal of International Law is one of the oldest and most reputable international law journals in the United States. Publishing two regular issues each year, the journal seeks to promote scholarship of the highest quality through timely, innovative, and important pieces on international and comparative legal topics. The journal invites contributions from professors, practitioners, legislators, judges, and Stanford Law School students.
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