{"title":"Corporate Democracy from Say on Pay to Say on Politics","authors":"Ciara Torres-Spelliscy","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2572528","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The President of the Business Roundtable once infamously said that “corporations were never designed to be democracies…” American courts respectfully disagree and have repeatedly held that the democratic rights of shareholders are sacrosanct. The context for the Business Roundtable President’s comment was the battle over say on pay — a battle the Business Roundtable lost in the United States with the passage of the financial reform legislation known as Dodd-Frank. As I will explain in this piece, courts’ robust conception of corporate democracy rights for shareholders should protect both shareholders’ ability to have a say on pay and say on politics. Say on pay is the practice in United States, among other nations, of mandating a non-binding shareholder vote on executive compensation at publicly traded firms. A shareholders’ say on politics does not yet exist in America. But theoretically, just as say on pay mandates shareholder democracy in the case of executive remuneration, say on politics would require shareholders to vote on corporate political spending. Binding say on politics votes already exist in the U.K. Critiques of say on pay and say on politics have been couched as constitutional objections based on either the Tenth or First Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. But at their heart, these objections seem less rooted in the text of the Constitution and more inspired by a cribbed conception of shareholders’ corporate voting rights. To untangle who has the stronger legal argument requires a review of how American courts have conceptualized “corporate democracy.” I conclude that as framed by key courts such as the U.S. Supreme Court, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and the Delaware state courts, “corporate democracy” is a capacious enough concept to justify both shareholders’ say on pay and say on politics.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"30 1","pages":"431-461"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2572528","citationCount":"14","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Constitutional commentary","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2572528","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 14
Abstract
The President of the Business Roundtable once infamously said that “corporations were never designed to be democracies…” American courts respectfully disagree and have repeatedly held that the democratic rights of shareholders are sacrosanct. The context for the Business Roundtable President’s comment was the battle over say on pay — a battle the Business Roundtable lost in the United States with the passage of the financial reform legislation known as Dodd-Frank. As I will explain in this piece, courts’ robust conception of corporate democracy rights for shareholders should protect both shareholders’ ability to have a say on pay and say on politics. Say on pay is the practice in United States, among other nations, of mandating a non-binding shareholder vote on executive compensation at publicly traded firms. A shareholders’ say on politics does not yet exist in America. But theoretically, just as say on pay mandates shareholder democracy in the case of executive remuneration, say on politics would require shareholders to vote on corporate political spending. Binding say on politics votes already exist in the U.K. Critiques of say on pay and say on politics have been couched as constitutional objections based on either the Tenth or First Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. But at their heart, these objections seem less rooted in the text of the Constitution and more inspired by a cribbed conception of shareholders’ corporate voting rights. To untangle who has the stronger legal argument requires a review of how American courts have conceptualized “corporate democracy.” I conclude that as framed by key courts such as the U.S. Supreme Court, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and the Delaware state courts, “corporate democracy” is a capacious enough concept to justify both shareholders’ say on pay and say on politics.
商业圆桌会议主席曾经说过一句臭名昭著的话:“公司从来就不是为了民主而设计的……”美国法院尊重地不同意这一说法,并一再认为股东的民主权利是神圣不可侵犯的。商业圆桌会议主席发表这番言论的背景是关于薪酬话语权的斗争。在美国,随着多德-弗兰克金融改革法案的通过,商业圆桌会议输掉了这场斗争。正如我将在这篇文章中解释的那样,法院对股东的公司民主权利的健全概念,应该保护股东在薪酬和政治上的发言权。Say on pay是美国和其他一些国家的惯例,要求股东对上市公司的高管薪酬进行不具约束力的投票。在美国,股东对政治还没有发言权。但从理论上讲,就像高管薪酬而言,“薪酬话语权”意味着股东民主一样,“政治话语权”将要求股东对企业政治支出进行投票。对薪酬话语权和政治话语权的批评,已经以美国宪法第十修正案或第一修正案为依据,被表述为对宪法的反对。但从本质上讲,这些反对意见似乎并不根植于宪法文本,更多的是受到了对股东公司投票权的粗略概念的启发。要弄清谁有更有力的法律论据,需要回顾一下美国法院是如何将“企业民主”概念化的。我的结论是,在美国最高法院、华盛顿特区巡回上诉法院和特拉华州法院等主要法院的框架下,“公司民主”是一个足够宽泛的概念,足以证明股东对薪酬和政治的发言权是合理的。