The White Rose Mammy: Racial Culture and Politics in World War II Memphis

G. Dowdy
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

G. Wayne Dowdy [*] We respectfully solicit the influence of your good offices in having this advertisement removed, for the sake of interracial goodwill, which is unquestionably needed at this time. The above quotation comes from a letter [1] written by the President of the Negro Chamber of Commerce to the Mayor of Memphis in 1942 concerning an advertisement which depicted a black mammy washing clothes. The controversy that resulted tells us much about the racial division in the South and reveals the existence of black political power in that segregated region. Positioned atop the fourth Chickasaw bluff overlooking the Mississippi River, Memphis developed into a regional distribution center and became the largest city in the Mid-South. Rural communities in north Mississippi, eastern Arkansas, and western Tennessee relied upon the city as a market for their agricultural goods, especially cotton. Despite the upheaval of Civil War, the economy of Memphis prospered under Union occupation, only to see those gains reversed after several yellow fever epidemics in the 1870s. [2] Much of the sophisticated and wealthy population fled the city never to return, leaving behind a city dominated by migrants from the countryside. A rural culture was nurtured in Memphis by its newly arrived residents which clashed with the existing urban commercialization. [3] Nowhere was this tension played out more than in the relationship between its white and black citizens. On the one hand, whites clung to the Lost Cause and celebrated the plantation myth, while at the same time they tolerated and even encouraged black participation in the political process. Without a white Democratic primary and with only the poll tax as an impediment, black Memphians enjoyed unusual access to power. [4] Despite political participation, local blacks were not equal and the threat of violence at the hands of white Memphians was always beneath the surface. Several incidents during the nineteenth century, particularly the Memphis race riot of 1866 where forty-six African Americans were murdered, long colored daily life for both sides of the line. [5 The customs and laws of segregation enacted at the end of the century were at least in the minds of some whites a response to this possibility of violence as urban conditions forced both races into an ever shrinking orbit. Memphis blacks, accustomed to a certain amount of deference, refused to allow this inequality to go unchallenged. Julia Hooks, a prominent black schoolteacher, is a case in point. Attempting to attend a theater performance in 1881, Hooks was refused seating in a whites-only section. Protesting this segregation led to her being fined five dollars for disorderly conduct. [6] That same year the State of Tennessee passed a law requiring railroads to provide separate coaches for black and white passengers. This law was eventually challenged by a young black schoolteacher who would become one of the nation's most recognizable reformers. [7] In 1884 Ida B. Wells bought a first-class railroad ticket but was forced to ride in a second-class coach. She successfully sued the railroad, but the Tennessee Supreme Court reversed the circuit court decision. Less than a decade later Wells would become the nation's foremost critic of lynching when she openly condemned mob violence after three black grocery store owners were murdered just outside Memphis. Forced to flee the city, Wells continued her activism in Chicago. [8] Dissatisfaction over conditions of public transportation flared again as the Tennessee General Assembly debated requiring separate seating on streetcars. African Americans in Memphis and other cities contemplated boycotts if a law was enacted but decided against this action. However, black Memphians rallied to the defense of Mary Morrison, who was arrested after refusing to sit in a segregated section of a streetcar. The case became a rallying point for black resentment against segregation, leading to the raising of thousands of dollars for her legal defense team. …
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《白玫瑰嬷嬷:第二次世界大战孟菲斯的种族文化和政治
[*]为了种族间的友好关系,我们恭敬地请求您的影响,将这则广告撤下,这无疑是此时所需要的。以上引文出自黑人商会主席于1942年写给孟菲斯市长的一封信,信中提到一则广告,广告中描绘了一位黑人嬷嬷在洗衣服。由此产生的争议告诉我们很多关于南方种族分裂的事情,也揭示了黑人政治力量在那个种族隔离地区的存在。孟斐斯位于第四奇卡索悬崖之上,俯瞰密西西比河,发展成为一个区域配送中心,并成为中南部最大的城市。密西西比州北部、阿肯色州东部和田纳西州西部的农村社区依靠这座城市作为农产品,尤其是棉花的销售市场。尽管南北战争的动荡,孟菲斯的经济在联邦占领下繁荣起来,但在19世纪70年代的几次黄热病流行之后,这些成果被逆转了。许多有经验和富有的人逃离了这座城市,再也没有回来,留下了一个以农村移民为主的城市。孟菲斯的新居民培育了一种乡村文化,这种文化与现有的城市商业化发生了冲突。这种紧张关系在白人和黑人公民之间的关系中表现得最为明显。一方面,白人坚持失败的事业,颂扬种植园神话,同时,他们容忍甚至鼓励黑人参与政治进程。没有白人民主党初选,只有人头税作为障碍,孟菲斯黑人享有不同寻常的权力。尽管参加了政治活动,但当地的黑人并不平等,而且孟菲斯白人的暴力威胁总是隐藏在表面之下。19世纪发生的几起事件,特别是1866年孟菲斯种族骚乱,46名非洲裔美国人被谋杀,长期以来一直影响着这条线两边的日常生活。[5] 19世纪末颁布的种族隔离的习俗和法律,至少在一些白人看来,是对城市环境迫使两个种族进入日益缩小的轨道而可能发生的暴力的一种回应。孟菲斯的黑人,习惯了一定程度的尊重,拒绝让这种不平等不受挑战。杰出的黑人教师茱莉亚·胡克斯(Julia Hooks)就是一个很好的例子。1881年,胡克斯试图参加一场剧院演出,却被拒绝坐在白人专区。对这种种族隔离的抗议导致她因行为不检被罚款5美元。同年,田纳西州通过了一项法律,要求铁路公司为黑人和白人乘客提供分开的车厢。这项法律最终受到一位年轻黑人教师的挑战,他后来成为美国最知名的改革家之一。1884年,艾达·b·威尔斯买了一张头等票,却被迫乘坐二等车厢。她成功起诉了铁路公司,但田纳西州最高法院推翻了巡回法院的判决。不到十年后,三名黑人杂货店老板在孟菲斯城外被谋杀后,威尔斯公开谴责暴徒暴力,成为美国最重要的私刑批评者。威尔斯被迫逃离芝加哥,在芝加哥继续她的活动。对公共交通条件的不满再次爆发,田纳西州议会就是否需要在有轨电车上分开座位进行辩论。孟菲斯和其他城市的非裔美国人考虑过,如果法律颁布,他们将进行抵制,但最终决定反对这一行动。然而,孟菲斯的黑人团结起来为玛丽·莫里森辩护,她因拒绝坐在隔离的有轨电车区域而被捕。这起案件成为黑人对种族隔离的不满情绪的集结点,并为她的法律辩护团队筹集了数千美元。…
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