“And it all happened in our lifetime” – progress and comfort: the meaning of technology domestication practices

Q3 Social Sciences Etnografia polska Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI:10.23858/ep64.2020.012
J. Zalewska
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The process of domesticating technology coincided with the development of modern market societies. The first sociological work on home technologies referred to “the industrial revolution at home” because when the book appeared in the 1970s the term “consumer revolution” had not yet been coined (Cowan 1976). While the industrial revolution concerned the mass production and increased supply of goods, the consumer revolution involved mass consumption and increased demand. The consumer revolution was not solely the result of a greater supply of goods on the market and of consumers’ financial resources but of the requisite change in forms of organizing consumption to reflect both daily habits and beliefs and a religious worldview2. Arjun Appadurai (1996) claims that there are three patterns of socially organised forms of consumption. For traditional communities, a typical form of consumption is “interdiction,” that is, guidelines for specific groups and social categories: what was or was not permissible to eat often depended on the season and was embedded in religion. Appadurai sees such an approach as reflecting a close connection between cosmology and everyday life. On the other hand, in a feudal society, where social status was assigned by birth, sumptuary law might specify, for example, the use of certain colors or types of cloth for estates of the realm. Consumption clearly has meaning for status and identity; it shows who an individual is – to what group or category he belongs. The form of consumption proper to modernity is fashion, that is, social emulation of the social environment (Appadurai 1996). This form of consumption is more flexible: there are no bans, taboos, or legally written norms about what can be consumed by whom. Flexibility requires openness to novelty, to a constant change of habits and beliefs. Nevertheless, it also has a status-and-identity function; individuals imitate the groups and categories to which they aspire, but they also have sufficient economic or cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986) to manifest their belonging to those
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“这一切都发生在我们的有生之年”——进步和舒适:技术驯化实践的意义
技术的驯化过程与现代市场社会的发展不期而同。第一本关于家庭技术的社会学著作提到了“家庭工业革命”,因为当这本书在20世纪70年代出版时,“消费者革命”这个词还没有被创造出来(Cowan 1976)。工业革命涉及大规模生产和商品供应的增加,而消费革命涉及大规模消费和需求的增加。消费革命不仅是市场上商品供应增加和消费者财力增加的结果,而且是组织消费的形式发生必要变化以反映日常习惯和信仰以及宗教世界观的结果。Arjun Appadurai(1996)认为社会组织的消费形式有三种模式。对于传统社区来说,一种典型的消费形式是“禁令”,也就是说,针对特定群体和社会类别的指导方针:什么是允许吃的,什么是不允许吃的,通常取决于季节,并植根于宗教。阿帕杜莱认为,这种方法反映了宇宙学与日常生活之间的密切联系。另一方面,在封建社会中,社会地位是由出身决定的,奢侈法可能会规定,例如,使用某些颜色或类型的布料来装饰王国的等级。消费显然对地位和身份有意义;它表明一个人是谁——他属于哪个群体或类别。与现代性相适应的消费形式是时尚,即对社会环境的社会模仿(Appadurai 1996)。这种形式的消费更灵活:没有禁令、禁忌,也没有法律规定谁可以消费什么。灵活性要求对新鲜事物持开放态度,对习惯和信仰的不断变化持开放态度。然而,它也有地位和身份的功能;个人模仿他们所向往的群体和类别,但他们也有足够的经济或文化资本来表明他们属于这些群体和类别(布迪厄1986)
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Etnografia polska
Etnografia polska Social Sciences-Cultural Studies
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