Testing the Parameters of Free Speech in the First Amendment: A Review Essay

Q2 Arts and Humanities Journal of Information Ethics Pub Date : 2010-10-01 DOI:10.3172/jie.19.2.114
J. Dilevko
{"title":"Testing the Parameters of Free Speech in the First Amendment: A Review Essay","authors":"J. Dilevko","doi":"10.3172/jie.19.2.114","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Freedom for the Thought That We Hate: A Biography of the First Amendment Anthony Lewis (New York: Basic Books, 2007). Hardcover edition. 221 pages. $25.00. ISBN-13: 978-0-465-03917-3; ISBN-10: 0-465-03917-0.From the Palmer Raids to the Patriot Act: A History of the Fight for Free Speech in America Christopher M. Finan (Boston: Beacon Press, 2007). Hardcover edition. 348 pages. $25.95. ISBN-13: 978-0-8070-4428-5; ISBN-10: 0-8070-4428-8.Darwin Day in America: How Our Politics and Culture Have Been Dehumanized in the Name of Science John G. West (Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2007). Hardcover edition. 495 pages. $28.00. ISBN-13: 978-1-933859-32-3; ISBN-10: 1-933859-32-6.At the beginning of the 21 st century, individuals in the United States typically take for granted the free-speech clause in the First Amendment of the Constitution. With few exceptions, such as in cases of blackmail or when speech, to quote Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. in his 1919 dissent in Abrams v. United States, \"produces and is intended to produce a clear and imminent danger that ... will bring about forthwith certain substantive evils,\" anything and everything-no matter how unseemly, inappropriate, loathsome, or vile it may appear to others-can be expressed without fear of government sanctions both at the federal and state levels. Or, as Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., put it in 1989 in Texas v. Johnson, \"the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable,\" an opinion consistent with his view in 1957 in Roth v. United States that ideas with \"even the slightest redeeming social importance-unorthodox ideas, controversial ideas, even ideas hateful to the prevailing climate of opinion\" deserve First Amendment protection (qtd. in Lewis, pp. 28, 134, 165).But as Adam Liptak reminds us in \"Unlike Others, U.S. Defends Freedom to Offend in Speech (The New York Times, June 12, 2008), the United States follows a \"distinctive legal path\" in its approach to what Holmes called \"the thought that we hate.\" Numerous other countries, including Canada, England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, South Africa, Australia, and India, \"have laws or signed international conventions banning hate speech,\" so much so that \"[i]t is a crime to deny the Holocaust in Canada, Germany and France.\" Hate speech, of course, is not limited to Holocaust denial. In France, Liptak writes, \"Brigitte Bardot, an animal rights activist, was fine $23,000 ... for provoking racial hatred by criticizing a Muslim ceremony involving the slaughter of sheep.\" In Canada, the weekly newsmagazine Maclean's was forced to defend itself before human rights tribunals in Ontario and British Columbia in 2007-2008 for publishing an article by Mark Steyn called \"The Future Belongs to Islam,\" an excerpt from his book America Alone (Regnery, 2006), which argued that \"the rise of Islam threatened Western values.\" In Canada, these laws \"seem to stem from a desire to promote societal harmony,\" concludes Liptak, pointing to the words of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada in 1990, Brian Dickson, who said that \"the international commitment to eradicate hate propaganda and, most importantly, the special role given equality and multiculturalism in the Canadian Constitution necessitate a departure from the view, reasonably prevalent in America at present, that the suppression of hate propaganda is incompatible with the guarantee of free expression.\" Dickson's view informed the findings of the Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) in the Maclean's case. Although the complaint against Steyn's article was dismissed for lack of jurisdiction, the OHRC observed that \"[i]n Canada, the right to freedom of expression is not absolute, nor should it be,\" condemning the article as an \"explicit expression of Islamophobia\" that \"further perpetuates and promotes prejudice towards Muslims and others.\" As the title of Frederick Schauer's 2005 essay \"The Exceptional First Amendment\" indicates, the First Amendment is truly unique, when considered from an international perspective, in its indefatigable commitment to privileging \"the freedom of speech, or of the press,\" even when that speech is reprehensible or includes \"falsehoods\" (Lewis, p. …","PeriodicalId":39913,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Ethics","volume":"14 1","pages":"114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2010-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Information Ethics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.3172/jie.19.2.114","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Arts and Humanities","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Freedom for the Thought That We Hate: A Biography of the First Amendment Anthony Lewis (New York: Basic Books, 2007). Hardcover edition. 221 pages. $25.00. ISBN-13: 978-0-465-03917-3; ISBN-10: 0-465-03917-0.From the Palmer Raids to the Patriot Act: A History of the Fight for Free Speech in America Christopher M. Finan (Boston: Beacon Press, 2007). Hardcover edition. 348 pages. $25.95. ISBN-13: 978-0-8070-4428-5; ISBN-10: 0-8070-4428-8.Darwin Day in America: How Our Politics and Culture Have Been Dehumanized in the Name of Science John G. West (Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2007). Hardcover edition. 495 pages. $28.00. ISBN-13: 978-1-933859-32-3; ISBN-10: 1-933859-32-6.At the beginning of the 21 st century, individuals in the United States typically take for granted the free-speech clause in the First Amendment of the Constitution. With few exceptions, such as in cases of blackmail or when speech, to quote Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. in his 1919 dissent in Abrams v. United States, "produces and is intended to produce a clear and imminent danger that ... will bring about forthwith certain substantive evils," anything and everything-no matter how unseemly, inappropriate, loathsome, or vile it may appear to others-can be expressed without fear of government sanctions both at the federal and state levels. Or, as Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., put it in 1989 in Texas v. Johnson, "the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable," an opinion consistent with his view in 1957 in Roth v. United States that ideas with "even the slightest redeeming social importance-unorthodox ideas, controversial ideas, even ideas hateful to the prevailing climate of opinion" deserve First Amendment protection (qtd. in Lewis, pp. 28, 134, 165).But as Adam Liptak reminds us in "Unlike Others, U.S. Defends Freedom to Offend in Speech (The New York Times, June 12, 2008), the United States follows a "distinctive legal path" in its approach to what Holmes called "the thought that we hate." Numerous other countries, including Canada, England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, South Africa, Australia, and India, "have laws or signed international conventions banning hate speech," so much so that "[i]t is a crime to deny the Holocaust in Canada, Germany and France." Hate speech, of course, is not limited to Holocaust denial. In France, Liptak writes, "Brigitte Bardot, an animal rights activist, was fine $23,000 ... for provoking racial hatred by criticizing a Muslim ceremony involving the slaughter of sheep." In Canada, the weekly newsmagazine Maclean's was forced to defend itself before human rights tribunals in Ontario and British Columbia in 2007-2008 for publishing an article by Mark Steyn called "The Future Belongs to Islam," an excerpt from his book America Alone (Regnery, 2006), which argued that "the rise of Islam threatened Western values." In Canada, these laws "seem to stem from a desire to promote societal harmony," concludes Liptak, pointing to the words of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada in 1990, Brian Dickson, who said that "the international commitment to eradicate hate propaganda and, most importantly, the special role given equality and multiculturalism in the Canadian Constitution necessitate a departure from the view, reasonably prevalent in America at present, that the suppression of hate propaganda is incompatible with the guarantee of free expression." Dickson's view informed the findings of the Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) in the Maclean's case. Although the complaint against Steyn's article was dismissed for lack of jurisdiction, the OHRC observed that "[i]n Canada, the right to freedom of expression is not absolute, nor should it be," condemning the article as an "explicit expression of Islamophobia" that "further perpetuates and promotes prejudice towards Muslims and others." As the title of Frederick Schauer's 2005 essay "The Exceptional First Amendment" indicates, the First Amendment is truly unique, when considered from an international perspective, in its indefatigable commitment to privileging "the freedom of speech, or of the press," even when that speech is reprehensible or includes "falsehoods" (Lewis, p. …
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第一修正案中言论自由参数的检验:一篇评论文章
我们所憎恨的思想的自由:第一修正案传记安东尼·刘易斯(纽约:基础图书,2007)。精装版。221页。25.00美元。ISBN-13: 978-0-465-03917-3;ISBN-10: 0-465-03917-0。从帕尔默突袭到爱国者法案:美国争取言论自由的历史克里斯托弗·m·费南(波士顿:灯塔出版社,2007)。精装版。348页。25.95美元。ISBN-13: 978-0-8070-4428-5;ISBN-10: 0-8070-4428-8。《美国的达尔文日:我们的政治和文化如何以科学的名义被非人化》(威尔明顿,特拉华州:ISI Books, 2007)。精装版。495页。28.00美元。ISBN-13: 978-1-933859-32-3;ISBN-10: 1-933859-32-6。在21世纪初,美国的个人通常认为宪法第一修正案中的言论自由条款是理所当然的。除了少数例外,例如在勒索或演讲的情况下,引用法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯(Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.)在1919年艾布拉姆斯诉美国案中的异议,“产生并意图产生一种明确而迫在眉睫的危险……“任何东西——无论在别人看来是多么不得体、不恰当、令人厌恶或卑鄙——都可以表达出来,而不必担心联邦和州一级的政府制裁。”或者,正如小威廉·j·布伦南大法官在1989年的德克萨斯州诉约翰逊案中所说的那样,“政府不能仅仅因为社会认为某种思想本身令人反感或令人不快而禁止这种思想的表达”,这一观点与他在1957年的罗斯诉美国案中的观点一致,即“即使是具有最轻微的社会重要性的思想——非正统思想、有争议的思想,甚至是对主流舆论氛围可恨的思想”都应得到第一修正案的保护。见刘易斯,第28、134、165页)。但正如亚当·利塔克在《与他人不同,美国捍卫言论冒犯自由》(《纽约时报》2008年6月12日)中提醒我们的那样,美国在处理霍姆斯所说的“我们憎恨的思想”时,遵循着一条“独特的法律道路”。包括加拿大、英国、法国、德国、荷兰、南非、澳大利亚和印度在内的许多其他国家“都有禁止仇恨言论的法律或签署了国际公约”,以至于“否认在加拿大、德国和法国发生的大屠杀是一种犯罪”。当然,仇恨言论并不局限于否认大屠杀。利普塔克写道,在法国,“动物权利活动家碧姬·芭铎被罚款2.3万美元……因为他批评一场涉及宰羊的穆斯林仪式,引发了种族仇恨。”在加拿大,新闻周刊《麦克莱恩》(Maclean’s)在2007-2008年被迫在安大略省和不列颠哥伦比亚省的人权法庭上为自己辩护,原因是该杂志发表了马克·斯泰恩(Mark Steyn)的一篇题为《未来属于伊斯兰》(the Future属于Islam)的文章。这篇文章摘自马克·斯泰恩的著作《独自的美国》(Regnery, 2006),文中认为“伊斯兰教的崛起威胁到了西方价值观”。在加拿大,这些法律“似乎源于促进社会和谐的愿望,”利塔克总结道,他引用了1990年加拿大最高法院首席大法官布莱恩·迪克森(Brian Dickson)的话,他说:“消除仇恨宣传的国际承诺,以及最重要的是,加拿大宪法赋予平等和多元文化主义的特殊作用,要求我们摒弃目前在美国相当普遍的观点,即压制仇恨宣传与保障言论自由是不相容的。”迪克森的观点影响了安大略省人权委员会对麦克林案的调查结果。虽然针对斯泰恩文章的投诉因缺乏管辖权而被驳回,但人权事务委员会指出,“在加拿大,言论自由的权利不是绝对的,也不应该是绝对的”,谴责这篇文章是“对伊斯兰恐惧症的明确表达”,“进一步延续和促进了对穆斯林和其他人的偏见”。正如弗雷德里克·肖尔(Frederick Schauer) 2005年的文章《例外的第一修正案》(the exception First Amendment)的标题所表明的那样,从国际视角来看,第一修正案确实是独一无二的,因为它坚持不懈地致力于赋予“言论或新闻自由”特权,即使这种言论是应受谴责的或包含“谎言”(Lewis, . ...)
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Journal of Information Ethics
Journal of Information Ethics Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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