From Advocates to Terrorists: Ideology, the State of Exception and the State of Emergency, and Political Ethics

Q2 Arts and Humanities Journal of Information Ethics Pub Date : 2011-09-01 DOI:10.3172/JIE.20.2.65
R. Day
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Abstract

IntroductionPolitical information, like much of what is comprehended as information, today, is often understood in a rather passive sense of being expressions that are consulted for understanding. This is a liberalist view that sees persons as choosers and consumers of information. In this article, we would like to go beyond this epistemology and discuss information from an expressive viewpoint, namely, that of an agent's expressive actions in relation to the State. Our discussion will pass through the topics of ideology, States of exception and States of emergency, and the distinctions between morals and ethics, law and justice. Far from being passive or synonymous with "facts," information will be understood as expressions by agents, both institutional and personal. Our final discussion in this article will be in regard to the writings of the political theorist and activist Antonio Negri in the context of his imprisonment and trial on terror charges from 1979 to 1983 (the writings issue from 1983-the year in which his case actually began to be tried). Here, we will suggest the dissonance between States and social movements as expressive agents and forces. Here we will see the denial of the ethical by the moral, justice by legal right, and the denial of a more open future for a nation by classes that control a State.Today, these topics could not be more timely. "Intellectual Freedom" and "Freedom of information" form core value for the Western library tradition, but as I write this the Library of Congress, as well as all other United States government agencies, have been forbidden by the federal government to allow access to U.S. diplomatic dispatches or "cables" made public by an internet organization named Wikileaks. As I write this, the founder of Wikileaks, Julian Assange, has been under legal threat by the U.S. Attorney General, Eric Holder, and several leading politicians in the U.S. have urged his arrest and trial for treason (despite his being an Australian citizen), with several other leading political and media figures also calling for his assassination as a "terrorist." The Vice President of the United States, Joseph Biden, on December 19, 2010, referred to Assange on a popular Sunday news program as a "hi- tech terrorist"1 and the commercial media has largely continued this view of Assange, echoing the dominant government line. The accused leaker of this material, a U.S. Army private, Bradley Manning, has been held for over seven months at the time of this writing in harsh solitary confinement without trial or conviction. Further, Senator Joseph Lieberman, Chair of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, on December 7, 2010, said that the U.S. Justice Department should extend the investigation of these leaks to the New York Times, which published reports based on the Wikileaks releases.2 While the press coverage of the contents of the leaks has been relatively sparse in the U.S. press, European and other world wide presses have been reporting on the contents since the time of the first release. For the most part, it would not be unfair to suggest that the U.S. media-including the New York Times-in contrast to main European newspapers, have largely focused on the personal and alleged sexual life of the founder of Wikileaks and Swedish criminal investigations related to the latter, rather than upon the contents of the "cables." And as I am editing this article, the revelations of the "cables" have contributed to the overthrow of dictatorial governments in Tunisia and Egypt. The Hosni Mubarak government in Egypt unsuccessfully relied in large part upon the silencing of the Internet and mobile telecommunication media as a means of stopping popular revolt. Meanwhile a bill earlier introduced in the U.S. Senate will be reintroduced by Senators Joseph Lieberman and Susan Collins in 2011, giving the executive branch authority, without judicial review, to control "crucial" parts of the national Internet cyber- infrastructure in the case of a "national cyberemergency. …
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从倡导者到恐怖分子:意识形态、例外状态和紧急状态以及政治伦理
政治信息,就像今天很多被理解为信息的东西一样,通常被理解为一种相当被动的表达方式,是为了理解而咨询的。这是一种自由主义观点,认为人是信息的选择者和消费者。在这篇文章中,我们想超越这种认识论,从表达的角度来讨论信息,也就是说,一个主体的表达行为与国家的关系。我们的讨论将涉及意识形态、例外状态和紧急状态以及道德与伦理、法律与正义之间的区别等主题。信息不再是被动的或“事实”的同义词,信息将被理解为机构和个人代理人的表达。我们在这篇文章中最后的讨论将是关于政治理论家和活动家安东尼奥·内格里(Antonio Negri)在1979年至1983年因恐怖指控被监禁和审判的背景下的作品(他的作品发行于1983年——他的案件实际上开始审理的那一年)。在这里,我们将提出国家与社会运动之间作为表达主体和力量的不协调。在这里,我们将看到道德否定伦理,法律权利否定正义,控制国家的阶级否定一个民族更开放的未来。今天,这些话题再及时不过了。“知识自由”和“信息自由”构成了西方图书馆传统的核心价值,但就在我写这篇文章的时候,国会图书馆以及所有其他美国政府机构都被联邦政府禁止查阅由互联网组织“维基解密”公开的美国外交电报或“电报”。在我写这篇文章的时候,维基解密的创始人朱利安·阿桑奇(Julian Assange)正受到美国司法部长埃里克·霍尔德(Eric Holder)的法律威胁,美国几位主要政客敦促以叛国罪逮捕他并对他进行审判(尽管他是澳大利亚公民),其他几位主要政治和媒体人物也呼吁将他作为“恐怖分子”暗杀。2010年12月19日,美国副总统约瑟夫·拜登(Joseph Biden)在一个受欢迎的周日新闻节目中称阿桑奇为“高科技恐怖分子”,商业媒体在很大程度上延续了对阿桑奇的这一看法,呼应了占主导地位的政府路线。被控泄露这些材料的美国士兵布拉德利·曼宁(Bradley Manning)在撰写本文时已被关押在严酷的单独监禁中七个多月,未经审判或定罪。此外,参议院国土安全和政府事务委员会主席约瑟夫·利伯曼参议员于2010年12月7日表示,美国司法部应将对这些泄密事件的调查范围扩大到《纽约时报》,因为《纽约时报》在维基解密的基础上发表了相关报道虽然美国媒体对泄密内容的报道相对较少,但欧洲和世界其他地区的媒体从第一次泄密开始就一直在报道这些内容。在很大程度上,与欧洲主要报纸相比,美国媒体——包括《纽约时报》——更关注维基解密创始人的个人生活和所谓的性生活,以及瑞典对后者的刑事调查,而不是“电报”的内容,这一点并不公平。在我编辑这篇文章的时候,这些“电报”的披露为推翻突尼斯和埃及的独裁政府做出了贡献。埃及的胡斯尼•穆巴拉克(Hosni Mubarak)政府在很大程度上依靠封锁互联网和移动通信媒体作为阻止民众反抗的手段,但没有成功。与此同时,美国参议院早些时候提出的一项法案将在2011年由参议员约瑟夫·利伯曼(Joseph Lieberman)和苏珊·柯林斯(Susan Collins)重新提出,该法案将赋予行政部门权力,在发生“国家网络紧急情况”时,无需司法审查就能控制国家互联网网络基础设施的“关键”部分。…
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Journal of Information Ethics
Journal of Information Ethics Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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