The Evolution of North Korea's Political System and Pyongyang's Potential for Conflict Management

Q1 Arts and Humanities North Korean Review Pub Date : 2008-03-01 DOI:10.3172/NKR.4.1.91
Andrew Scobell
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

IntroductionObservers tend to label the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as a bizarre political system that can only be understood on its own terms. One respected analyst suggests that the DPRK might just be "the strangest political system in existence."1 Some observers argue that North Korea is a dangerous rogue state that is heavily armed, unpredictable and dangerous.2 Others argue that North Korea, while strange at first glance, becomes more comprehensible and less threatening in the context of Korean history and culture.3 An analysis of the nature and evolution of the DPRK's political system may provide important clues as to the motivations, policy preferences, and the Pyongyang regime's potential for conflict management.At the outset it is important to ask: what is the nature and scope of the conflict? According to Niklas Swanstrom, Mikael Weissmann and Emma Bjornehed, a conflict entails "perceived differences in issue positions between two or more parties at the same moment in time."4 The conflict on the Korean Peninsula is complex, multifaceted, concerns a number of different "issue positions," and at least six parties. For the purposes of this article, however, I will just identify what appears to have become the critical issue in recent years: the disposition of North Korea's nuclear program. While the ongoing six-party talks involve North Korea, South Korea, Russia, Japan, China and the United States, the issue of North Korea's nuclear program boils down to a deep-seated conflict between Pyongyang and Washington. Baldly put, on the one hand, the United States has adamantly insisted that Pyongyang's nuclear program be completely, verifiably and irreversibly dismantled while on the other hand North Korea has been just as adamant in insisting that it has the right to a nuclear program.5According to C.R. Mitchell, a conflict involves at least three aspects: attitudes, situation, and behaviors.6 This paper focuses on change and continuity in Pyongyang's political system rather than directly on conflict prevention or conflict management because the author believes that this potential will not be tapped without major changes in North Korea's political system. The primary attitude of the North Korean regime is one of hard-core indoctrination and absolute information control, the primary situation in North Korea is extreme militarization, and the primary behavior of the Pyongyang regime is mobilization. The persistence of this attitude, this situation, and this behavior appears to seriously hinder the prospects for any meaningful conflict management and certainly precludes the possibility of conflict resolution.Totalitarianism and Post-TotalitarianismThis paper argues that North Korea's political system is best understood as an eroding totalitarian regime of the communist variety.7 The DPRK appears to meet the basic criteria for an orthodox communist regime: it has a Leninist party that monopolizes political power while espousing a Marxist ideology ("socialism"), administers a centrally planned economy, and the means of production are publicly owned.8 Although some scholars consider North Korea to be something other than communist,9 closer examination reveals that the DPRK is not radically different from other communist party-states.10North Korea also appears to meet the following six defining characteristics of a totalitarian regime as identified by Carl Friedrich and Zbigniew Brzezinski: (1) an absolute dictator and mass party; (2) an ideology intent on totally transforming society; (3) a condition of terror; (4) a monopoly of the coercive instruments; (5) a centrally planned economy; and (6) a monopoly of mass communication.11 A totalitarian regime strives to control every aspect of society. This type of regime requires an "enemy" to rationalize its perpetual war-footing mode. A clearly identifiable enduring threat is necessary to justify its repressive system of controls, the constant effort to mobilize the state and society, and the regime's militarization. …
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朝鲜政治制度的演变与平壤的冲突管理潜力
观察者倾向于给朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(DPRK)贴上一个奇怪的政治制度的标签,只能用它自己的方式来理解。一位受人尊敬的分析人士认为,朝鲜可能只是“现存最奇怪的政治制度”。一些观察人士认为,朝鲜是一个危险的流氓国家,拥有大量武装,不可预测且危险另一些人则认为,虽然朝鲜乍一看很奇怪,但在朝鲜的历史和文化背景下,它变得更容易理解,也不那么具有威胁性对朝鲜政治制度的性质和演变的分析可能为了解其动机、政策偏好和平壤政权管理冲突的潜力提供重要线索。首先,重要的是要问:冲突的性质和范围是什么?根据Niklas Swanstrom, Mikael Weissmann和Emma Bjornehed的说法,冲突是指“在同一时刻,两方或多方在问题立场上的感知差异”。朝鲜半岛的冲突是复杂的,多方面的,涉及许多不同的“问题立场”,至少涉及六方。然而,出于本文的目的,我将只指出近年来似乎已成为关键问题的问题:朝鲜核计划的处置。虽然正在进行的六方会谈涉及北韩、韩国、俄罗斯、日本、中国和美国,但北韩核项目问题归根结底是平壤和华盛顿之间根深蒂固的冲突。坦率地说,一方面,美国坚决要求北韩彻底、可核查、不可逆转地废除核项目,另一方面,北韩也坚持认为自己有权拥有核项目。根据米切尔的观点,冲突至少包括三个方面:态度、情况和行为本文关注的是平壤政治制度的变化和连续性,而不是直接关注冲突预防或冲突管理,因为作者认为,如果朝鲜政治制度没有重大变化,这种潜力就不会被挖掘出来。北韩政权的主要态度是强硬的灌输和绝对的信息控制,北韩的主要情况是极端军事化,平壤政权的主要行为是动员。这种态度、这种情况和这种行为的持续似乎严重阻碍了任何有意义的冲突管理的前景,当然也排除了解决冲突的可能性。极权主义和后极权主义本文认为,朝鲜的政治制度最好被理解为一种正在侵蚀的共产主义极权主义政权朝鲜似乎符合正统共产主义政权的基本标准:它拥有一个垄断政治权力的列宁主义政党,同时信奉马克思主义意识形态(“社会主义”),实行中央计划经济,生产资料为公有尽管一些学者认为朝鲜不是共产主义国家,但更仔细的研究表明,朝鲜与其他共产党国家并没有根本的不同。根据卡尔·弗里德里希和兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基的定义,朝鲜似乎也符合极权主义政权的以下六个特征:(1)绝对的独裁者和群众政党;(2)一种意图彻底改造社会的意识形态;(三)恐怖状态;(四)强制文书的垄断;(五)中央计划经济;(6)大众传播的垄断极权主义政权力图控制社会的方方面面。这种类型的政权需要一个“敌人”来合理化其永久的战争模式。为了证明其压制性控制体系、动员国家和社会的持续努力以及政权的军事化是正当的,必须有一个明确可识别的持久威胁。…
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来源期刊
North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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Staying the course: Denuclearization and path dependence in the US's North Korea policy Editor-in-Chief's Comments Managing Editor's Comments Socio-Economic Change in the DPRK and Korean Security Dilemmas: The Implications for International Policy North Korea and Northeast Asian Regional Security
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