From Monolithic Totalitarian to Collective Authoritarian Leadership? Performance-Based Legitimacy and Power Transfer in North Korea

Q1 Arts and Humanities North Korean Review Pub Date : 2012-09-01 DOI:10.3172/NKR.8.2.32
Rüdiger Frank, P. Park
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

Research Question and StructureThis article was written mostly before Kim Jong-il's death in December 2011. However, not only do our main points remain valid; the need for a long-term, systematic understanding of the political system of North Korea (formally the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK) and leadership succession has even grown amidst the current uncertainty. We thus discuss the background of the transfer of political power in North Korea and the related options in general, with a first outlook on Kim Jong-un and his leadership.Any leader needs first to gain and then to maintain a certain degree of power and legitimacy.1 We therefore first look at the issue of legitimacy itself and then explore the tradition of leadership, legitimacy, and power transfer in Korea in order to combine the general suggestions derived from the political scientist's perspective with the society-specific characteristics of the North Korean system. We look particularly closely at the sources of the personal legitimacy of Kim Jong-il, including the process of his own accession to power. Against this background, the current situation in North Korea and the ongoing power transfer to Kim Jong-un are analyzed.Leadership and LegitimacyAn important category for the classification of political systems is their mechanism for the legitimization of power. Max Weber suggested using the base for the claim to legitimacy as the sole criterion for classifying various types of rule.2 According to Merkel, the scope for achieving legitimacy ranges from what he calls "people's sovereignty" in a democracy to "mentality" (such as nationalism) in authoritarian and a "closed worldview" in totalitarian systems.3 Note that even totalitarian systems cannot rely only on repression but also need some kind of legitimization.In which category does North Korea belong? Authoritarian systems can be understood as severely limiting democratic principles, while the latter are completely abolished in totalitarian systems.4 Well-documented features such as restricted access to power, leadership by a single person, the power monopoly of one party, the regime's paternalistic claim to control its people's lives, the repression of opposition, and the existence of chuch'e as a closed worldview suggest that North Korea can indeed be classified as totalitarian. Merkel associates North Korea with the communist-totalitarian sub-type, although he also acknowledges parallels with "sultanistic-totalitarian" systems.5Other authors point at the changing nature of the North Korean system. Scobell classifies North Korea as an eroding totalitarian regime of the communist variety.6 In a similar vein, Silberstein argues that totalitarianism in North Korea exists but is fading, mainly because of the vanishing of the central planning system.7 Accordingly, if we want to explore the question of succession in North Korea, we are looking at the puzzle of power transfer in a totalitarian system -not in a monarchy.Bursens and Sinardet show that there are two interrelated sides to legitimacy. In addition to the expected outcomes, an important source of legitimacy seems to be that the decision-making process, including the selection of the leadership, follows approved rules.8 Democratic systems have developed a generally accepted procedure that constantly renews legitimacy through a continuous cycle of elections; Schumpeter argued that "competition for votes" was the defining characteristic of a democracy.9Such a procedure, however, is lacking in totalitarian systems, including the DPRK. But Steinberg argues that elections are by far not the only means to acquire political legitimacy. Importantly, he points at the fact that in addition to internal legitimacy, there is an external form such as recognition (de facto or de jure) of a political leader.10 The acquisition of power usually takes place only once in the lifetime of a leader. The perpetuation of legitimacy must therefore be based on the actual or perceived results of the leader's rule to a much higher degree than in a democratic system. …
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从单一极权主义到集体威权主义领导?朝鲜政绩合法性与权力转移
本文主要写于2011年12月金正日去世之前。然而,不仅我们的主要观点仍然有效;在当前的不确定性中,对朝鲜(正式名称为朝鲜民主主义人民共和国,简称DPRK)的政治制度和领导层继承进行长期、系统了解的必要性甚至有所增加。因此,我们将讨论朝鲜政权转移的背景和相关的选择,并首先展望金正恩及其领导。任何领导人首先需要获得并保持一定程度的权力和合法性因此,我们首先研究合法性问题本身,然后探讨朝鲜的领导、合法性和权力转移的传统,以便将政治学家的观点得出的一般性建议与朝鲜制度的社会具体特征结合起来。我们特别关注金正日个人合法性的来源,包括他自己掌权的过程。在此背景下,分析了朝鲜目前的局势和正在进行的金正恩权力交接。领导与合法性政治制度分类的一个重要范畴是其权力合法化机制。马克斯·韦伯建议使用主张合法性的基础作为分类各种规则类型的唯一标准根据默克尔的说法,实现合法性的范围从他所谓的民主中的“人民主权”到威权主义中的“心态”(如民族主义)和极权主义体系中的“封闭世界观”请注意,即使是极权主义制度也不能只依靠镇压,还需要某种形式的合法化。朝鲜属于哪一类?专制制度可以理解为对民主原则的严重限制,而民主原则在极权制度下则被彻底废除诸如权力接触受限、一人领导、一党独揽大权、政权以家长式的方式控制人民生活、镇压反对派、教会作为封闭世界观的存在等证据充分的特征表明,朝鲜确实可以被归类为极权主义。默克尔将朝鲜与共产主义极权主义联系在一起,尽管他也承认朝鲜与“苏丹式极权主义”体系有相似之处。其他作者指出了朝鲜体制不断变化的本质。斯科贝尔将朝鲜归类为一个正在侵蚀的共产主义极权政权同样,西尔伯斯坦认为,朝鲜的极权主义存在,但正在消退,主要是因为中央计划体系的消失因此,如果我们想探讨朝鲜的继承问题,我们正在研究极权制度下的权力移交难题,而不是君主制。Bursens和Sinardet表明合法性有两个相互关联的方面。7 .除了预期的结果之外,合法性的一个重要来源似乎是决策过程,包括选择领导人,遵循经批准的规则民主制度已经发展出一种普遍接受的程序,通过不断循环的选举不断更新合法性;熊彼特认为,“争夺选票”是民主的决定性特征。然而,这种程序在包括朝鲜在内的极权主义制度中是缺乏的。但斯坦伯格认为,到目前为止,选举并不是获得政治合法性的唯一途径。重要的是,他指出,除了内部合法性之外,还有一种外部形式,如对政治领导人的承认(事实上的或法律上的)在领导者的一生中,权力的获得通常只发生一次。因此,合法性的延续必须以领导人统治的实际或感知结果为基础,其程度要比民主制度高得多。…
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North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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Staying the course: Denuclearization and path dependence in the US's North Korea policy Editor-in-Chief's Comments Managing Editor's Comments Socio-Economic Change in the DPRK and Korean Security Dilemmas: The Implications for International Policy North Korea and Northeast Asian Regional Security
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