{"title":"Small Nominals in Brazilian Portuguese Copular Constructions","authors":"Patrícia Rodrigues, Mariana Foltran","doi":"10.5334/JPL.60","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this paper is copular clauses in Brazilian Portuguese like Mulher(es) e complicado, in which the predicate exhibits an unmarked form for gender and number (masculine singular), despite the presence of the feminine and/or plural form of the noun in subject position. We reject the analyses that propose that (i) there is a hidden infinitive clause in the subject position, (ii) the agreement is an instance of semantic agreement, and (iii) the DP subject is in A-bar position, and argue that the subject is a Small Nominal (they are not projected as full DPs) which lacks index features that trigger external agreement (Pereltsvaig 2006).","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":"129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2015-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.60","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
The focus of this paper is copular clauses in Brazilian Portuguese like Mulher(es) e complicado, in which the predicate exhibits an unmarked form for gender and number (masculine singular), despite the presence of the feminine and/or plural form of the noun in subject position. We reject the analyses that propose that (i) there is a hidden infinitive clause in the subject position, (ii) the agreement is an instance of semantic agreement, and (iii) the DP subject is in A-bar position, and argue that the subject is a Small Nominal (they are not projected as full DPs) which lacks index features that trigger external agreement (Pereltsvaig 2006).