Inthis paper we compare ditransitive dative structures in nativized andnativizing urban varieties of Portuguese spoken in Angola, Mozambique and SãoTomé and Príncipe using a corpus-based approach. It is shown that theexpression of the Recipient exhibits considerable variation within and acrossthese varieties, as well as at intraspeaker level. Despite the use ofnon-canonical patterns, namely prepositional structures with em and paraanddouble object constructions, the canonical European Portuguesepattern with Case marker a is predominant in our data. Moreover, thepronominalized counterparts of these different realizations show much lessvariation and strong convergence toward dative clitic lhe(s). To accountfor the data, we propose a Larsonian VP-shell in which Recipients as extendedDPs occur internally to a K(ase) projection whose functional head can bespelled out as a, em or para. Recipient in double objectconstructions, on the other hand, are treated as plain DPs which maypronominalize as dative clitics or, less commonly, as strong pronouns. Overall,our hypothesis weakens the role of language contact, which has often beenassumed as a critical factor in the literature, but still allows for(individual) grammars that show evidence of being substrate-induced.
{"title":"Dative microvariation in African Varieties of Portuguese","authors":"Rita Gonçalves, Inês Duarte, Tjerk Hagemeijer","doi":"10.16995/jpl.8488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.8488","url":null,"abstract":"Inthis paper we compare ditransitive dative structures in nativized andnativizing urban varieties of Portuguese spoken in Angola, Mozambique and SãoTomé and Príncipe using a corpus-based approach. It is shown that theexpression of the Recipient exhibits considerable variation within and acrossthese varieties, as well as at intraspeaker level. Despite the use ofnon-canonical patterns, namely prepositional structures with em and paraanddouble object constructions, the canonical European Portuguesepattern with Case marker a is predominant in our data. Moreover, thepronominalized counterparts of these different realizations show much lessvariation and strong convergence toward dative clitic lhe(s). To accountfor the data, we propose a Larsonian VP-shell in which Recipients as extendedDPs occur internally to a K(ase) projection whose functional head can bespelled out as a, em or para. Recipient in double objectconstructions, on the other hand, are treated as plain DPs which maypronominalize as dative clitics or, less commonly, as strong pronouns. Overall,our hypothesis weakens the role of language contact, which has often beenassumed as a critical factor in the literature, but still allows for(individual) grammars that show evidence of being substrate-induced.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47639489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Inresearch on African varieties of Portuguese, especially Angolan and MozambicanPortuguese, it is often referred that Goal arguments of verbs of movement showa tendency to be headed by locative preposition em ‘in’, contrastingwith the use of a ‘to’and para ‘to, toward’ in EuropeanPortuguese. Language contact is generally considered theprimary factor with respect to the use of the noncanonical pattern. Usingspoken corpora of the urban varieties of Angolan, Mozambican and SantomeanPortuguese, this paper develops a case-study of Goal arguments that occur with twofrequently used verbs of inherently directed motion, ir ‘to go’ and chegar‘to arrive’, to assess the contact-induced hypothesis and to explore alternative,semantic-based hypotheses. Overall, a cross-comparison of the varieties atstake and their main contact languages shows that the role of language contactis limited at best. A semantic analysis of em, on the other hand, showspromising results, since the occurrence of this preposition is favored by NPsthat denote an entity with well-defined boundaries and is sensitive to thelexical semantics of the verbs, i.e., whether the verb describes a durative ornon-durative change of place, and to the type of eventuality described by thepredication.
{"title":"Goal arguments of ir ‘to go’ and chegar ‘to arrive’ in three African varieties of Portuguese","authors":"Tjerk Hagemeijer, Antonio Leal, Raquel Madureira","doi":"10.16995/jpl.8634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.8634","url":null,"abstract":"Inresearch on African varieties of Portuguese, especially Angolan and MozambicanPortuguese, it is often referred that Goal arguments of verbs of movement showa tendency to be headed by locative preposition em ‘in’, contrastingwith the use of a ‘to’and para ‘to, toward’ in EuropeanPortuguese. Language contact is generally considered theprimary factor with respect to the use of the noncanonical pattern. Usingspoken corpora of the urban varieties of Angolan, Mozambican and SantomeanPortuguese, this paper develops a case-study of Goal arguments that occur with twofrequently used verbs of inherently directed motion, ir ‘to go’ and chegar‘to arrive’, to assess the contact-induced hypothesis and to explore alternative,semantic-based hypotheses. Overall, a cross-comparison of the varieties atstake and their main contact languages shows that the role of language contactis limited at best. A semantic analysis of em, on the other hand, showspromising results, since the occurrence of this preposition is favored by NPsthat denote an entity with well-defined boundaries and is sensitive to thelexical semantics of the verbs, i.e., whether the verb describes a durative ornon-durative change of place, and to the type of eventuality described by thepredication.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46527165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In thisshort paper I argue that the suffix -vel ‘-ble’ in dispositionaladjectives (such as quebrável ‘breakable’, adorável ‘adorable’, durável‘durable’) behaves like a dynamic modal, and I offer three arguments in supportof this view. First, I show that it is particularly difficult to capture thequantificational force of the suffix, and consequently of the derived adjective,in the same way that it occurs with other dynamic modals, like ability-can anddispositional-will. Second, I show that -vel ‘-ble’, likeother dynamic expressions (e.g., can, will) is anchored to thesubject of the modal and relativized to bundles of property expressions, not topropositions. In other words, they share the same kind of modal base. Third, Ishow that both -vel ‘-ble’ and dynamic can have a veridicaleffect when combined with predicates that denote a sensation or experience. Finally,I conclude that the suffix -vel ‘-ble’ expresses dispositions, bestcaptured in the domain of dynamic modality as potentiality, rather than possibility,probability, moral obligation or causality (i.e., the trigger reading), as recentlyproposed by Resende & Rech (2020). This analysis affords a simpler, moreelegant explanation for the different interpretations associated with theseadjectives.@font-face{font-family:"Cambria Math";panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:roman;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1107305727 0 0 415 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-unhide:no;mso-style-qformat:yes;mso-style-parent:"";margin:0in;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";}.MsoChpDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-default-props:yes;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;mso-ansi-language:PT-BR;}div.WordSection1{page:WordSection1;}
在这篇短文中，我认为处置形容词（如quebrável‘breakable’、adorável’可爱的、durável'耐用的）中的后缀-vel‘-ble’表现得像一个动态语气词，我提出了三个论点来支持这一观点。首先，我表明，捕捉后缀的定量力，以及由此衍生的形容词的定量力是特别困难的，就像它发生在其他动态模态中一样，比如能力可以和倾向意志。其次，我表明，与其他动态表达式（例如，can、will）一样，level“-ble”被锚定在模态的主体上，并被相对化为性质表达式的束，而不是命题。换句话说，它们有着相同的模态基础。第三，我认为，当与表示感觉或体验的谓词结合时，vel和dynamic都会产生真实的效果。最后，我得出结论，后缀-vel'-be'表达的是倾向，在动态模态领域中最好被捕捉为潜力，而不是Resende&Rech（2020）最近提出的可能性、概率、道德义务或因果关系（即触发阅读）。这一分析为与这些形容词相关的不同解释提供了一个更简单、更优雅的解释@font face｛font-family:“Cambria Math”；panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4；mso字体字符集：0；mso通用字体家族：罗马；mso字号：可变；mso字形签名：-5368714511073075727 0 415 0；｝p.MsoNormal，li.MsoNormal，div.MsoNormal｛mso-style unhide:no；mso-styleqformat:yes；mso-ststyle parent:“”；margin:0in；mso分页：寡妇孤儿；font-size:12.0pt；font-family:“Times New Roman”，衬线；mso-fareast font-family:”Times New Roman“；｝.MsoChpDefault｛mso style type:仅导出；mso默认道具：yes；font-family：“Calibri”，无衬线体；mso-ascii font-family:宋体；mso-ascii主题字体：小拉丁文；mso-fareast font-family:宋体；mso-fareast主题字体：小拉丁文；mso-hansi font-family:宋体；mso-hansi主题字体：小拉丁文；mso-bidi字体家族：“Times New Roman”；mso-bidi主题字体：minor bidi；mso-ansi语言：PT-BR；｝div.WordSection1｛page:WordSection1；｝
{"title":"Three arguments for a treatment of -vel as a dynamic modal","authors":"Bruna Moreira","doi":"10.16995/jpl.7948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.7948","url":null,"abstract":"In thisshort paper I argue that the suffix -vel ‘-ble’ in dispositionaladjectives (such as quebrável ‘breakable’, adorável ‘adorable’, durável‘durable’) behaves like a dynamic modal, and I offer three arguments in supportof this view. First, I show that it is particularly difficult to capture thequantificational force of the suffix, and consequently of the derived adjective,in the same way that it occurs with other dynamic modals, like ability-can anddispositional-will. Second, I show that -vel ‘-ble’, likeother dynamic expressions (e.g., can, will) is anchored to thesubject of the modal and relativized to bundles of property expressions, not topropositions. In other words, they share the same kind of modal base. Third, Ishow that both -vel ‘-ble’ and dynamic can have a veridicaleffect when combined with predicates that denote a sensation or experience. Finally,I conclude that the suffix -vel ‘-ble’ expresses dispositions, bestcaptured in the domain of dynamic modality as potentiality, rather than possibility,probability, moral obligation or causality (i.e., the trigger reading), as recentlyproposed by Resende & Rech (2020). This analysis affords a simpler, moreelegant explanation for the different interpretations associated with theseadjectives.@font-face{font-family:\"Cambria Math\";panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:roman;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1107305727 0 0 415 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-unhide:no;mso-style-qformat:yes;mso-style-parent:\"\";margin:0in;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:\"Times New Roman\",serif;mso-fareast-font-family:\"Times New Roman\";}.MsoChpDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-default-props:yes;font-family:\"Calibri\",sans-serif;mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:\"Times New Roman\";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;mso-ansi-language:PT-BR;}div.WordSection1{page:WordSection1;}","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47930684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A generally accepted view regarding proper names is that they have reference, but no lexical meaning (Lyons, 1977). This idea is the basis for the Functional Discourse Grammar (Hengeveld & Mackenzie, 2008) view of proper names as primitives of the Interpersonal Level and the lexical head of Subacts of Reference. At the Representational Level, the entity is designated by an absent head, which captures the fact that proper names do not have a meaning. Although this approach accounts for the most prototypical use of proper names, it fails to explain a range of other uses. In addition to the referential use of non-modified proper names, this paper analyses other uses of proper names in Portuguese: modified proper names, metaphorical proper names, and proper names in naming constructions. The proposal presented here explains cases of restrictive modification and metaphorical uses of proper names as instances of reflexive language and coercion, respectively. As for proper names in naming constructions, they are considered to have a third, different, function, in addition to the vocative and referential use.@font-face{font-family:"Cambria Math";panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:roman;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1107305727 0 0 415 0;}@font-face{font-family:Times;panose-1:0 0 5 0 0 0 0 2 0 0;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1342185562 0 0 415 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-unhide:no;mso-style-qformat:yes;mso-style-parent:"";margin:0in;mso-pagination:none;text-autospace:none;font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-ansi-language:EN-US;mso-fareast-language:EN-US;}.MsoChpDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-default-props:yes;font-size:11.0pt;mso-ansi-font-size:11.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;mso-ansi-language:EN-US;mso-fareast-language:EN-US;}.MsoPapDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-pagination:none;text-autospace:none;}div.WordSection1{page:WordSection1;}
{"title":"A Functional Discourse Grammar account of proper names in Portuguese","authors":"Monielly Serafim","doi":"10.16995/jpl.6396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.6396","url":null,"abstract":"A generally accepted view regarding proper names is that they have reference, but no lexical meaning (Lyons, 1977). This idea is the basis for the Functional Discourse Grammar (Hengeveld & Mackenzie, 2008) view of proper names as primitives of the Interpersonal Level and the lexical head of Subacts of Reference. At the Representational Level, the entity is designated by an absent head, which captures the fact that proper names do not have a meaning. Although this approach accounts for the most prototypical use of proper names, it fails to explain a range of other uses. In addition to the referential use of non-modified proper names, this paper analyses other uses of proper names in Portuguese: modified proper names, metaphorical proper names, and proper names in naming constructions. The proposal presented here explains cases of restrictive modification and metaphorical uses of proper names as instances of reflexive language and coercion, respectively. As for proper names in naming constructions, they are considered to have a third, different, function, in addition to the vocative and referential use.@font-face{font-family:\"Cambria Math\";panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:roman;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1107305727 0 0 415 0;}@font-face{font-family:Times;panose-1:0 0 5 0 0 0 0 2 0 0;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:-536870145 1342185562 0 0 415 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-unhide:no;mso-style-qformat:yes;mso-style-parent:\"\";margin:0in;mso-pagination:none;text-autospace:none;font-size:11.0pt;font-family:\"Times New Roman\",serif;mso-fareast-font-family:\"Times New Roman\";mso-ansi-language:EN-US;mso-fareast-language:EN-US;}.MsoChpDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-default-props:yes;font-size:11.0pt;mso-ansi-font-size:11.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:11.0pt;font-family:\"Calibri\",sans-serif;mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Calibri;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:\"Times New Roman\";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;mso-ansi-language:EN-US;mso-fareast-language:EN-US;}.MsoPapDefault{mso-style-type:export-only;mso-pagination:none;text-autospace:none;}div.WordSection1{page:WordSection1;}","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47014050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on the caused eventuality, causation can be subdivided into causation of an activity and causation of change of state. By analyzing how causatives are expressed in European Portuguese and Mandarin Chinese, this study shows that these two languages exhibit quite a lot of differences in expressing causation of change of state. We have observed that quite many Portuguese verbs which intrinsically involve causative meanings do not have Chinese equivalence in simplex verb forms – their Chinese counterparts often take complex forms, including a construction we call “Causative Resultative V-Vs” (CR V-Vs). Difference is also found in the derivation direction: whereas anticausation plays a big role in Portuguese, causation is the main process in Chinese. We attribute the contrast to different expressing powers of verb roots in the two languages: while Portuguese verb roots are able to express complex meanings, Chinese roots mostly denote either a pure activity or a pure state/result.
{"title":"On causatives – A comparison between European Portuguese and Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Jiaojiao Yao","doi":"10.16995/jpl.5888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.5888","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the caused eventuality, causation can be subdivided into causation of an activity and causation of change of state. By analyzing how causatives are expressed in European Portuguese and Mandarin Chinese, this study shows that these two languages exhibit quite a lot of differences in expressing causation of change of state. We have observed that quite many Portuguese verbs which intrinsically involve causative meanings do not have Chinese equivalence in simplex verb forms – their Chinese counterparts often take complex forms, including a construction we call “Causative Resultative V-Vs” (CR V-Vs). Difference is also found in the derivation direction: whereas anticausation plays a big role in Portuguese, causation is the main process in Chinese. We attribute the contrast to different expressing powers of verb roots in the two languages: while Portuguese verb roots are able to express complex meanings, Chinese roots mostly denote either a pure activity or a pure state/result.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49245381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper investigates nasal epenthesis in vowel-initial preverbal 3rd person accusative pronouns in modern dialectal European Portuguese (EP). The study is underpinned by the data retrieved from the 'verbatim transcription' section of CORDIAL-SIN, a dialectal corpus of contemporary EP. Speakers' individual attitudes towards onset insertion are analyzed in the fifteen localities where variation is found. Four grammars (prosody-syntax mappings) are singled out, depending on whether the alveolar nasal is extended on preverbal clitic pronouns only or is found in other monosyllabic clitic words (definite articles and demonstrative pronouns) as well. Analogical extensions are demonstrated to be instrumental in inducing speakers to add the onset. Moreover, the analysis points to the unsteadiness in the realization of proclisis triggers. Besides surfacing as a nasal diphthong, their last syllable frequently ends in a monophthong, its vowel quality gets altered or its vocalic nucleus denasalizes. Finally, the historical profile of this external sandhi process is approached. The change is argued to have spread from grammatically and communicatively unmarked contexts, close to orality. Rather than positing a continuous transmission of nasal epenthesis across generations, emphasis is placed on the consistency with which preverbal clitic pronouns were treated in various periods and in different communicative circumstances.
{"title":"Nasal epenthesis in preverbal accusative clitic pronouns. A variationist study of present-day dialectal European Portuguese","authors":"M. Nkollo","doi":"10.16995/jpl.5890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.5890","url":null,"abstract":"The paper investigates nasal epenthesis in vowel-initial preverbal 3rd person accusative pronouns in modern dialectal European Portuguese (EP). The study is underpinned by the data retrieved from the 'verbatim transcription' section of CORDIAL-SIN, a dialectal corpus of contemporary EP. Speakers' individual attitudes towards onset insertion are analyzed in the fifteen localities where variation is found. Four grammars (prosody-syntax mappings) are singled out, depending on whether the alveolar nasal is extended on preverbal clitic pronouns only or is found in other monosyllabic clitic words (definite articles and demonstrative pronouns) as well. Analogical extensions are demonstrated to be instrumental in inducing speakers to add the onset. Moreover, the analysis points to the unsteadiness in the realization of proclisis triggers. Besides surfacing as a nasal diphthong, their last syllable frequently ends in a monophthong, its vowel quality gets altered or its vocalic nucleus denasalizes. Finally, the historical profile of this external sandhi process is approached. The change is argued to have spread from grammatically and communicatively unmarked contexts, close to orality. Rather than positing a continuous transmission of nasal epenthesis across generations, emphasis is placed on the consistency with which preverbal clitic pronouns were treated in various periods and in different communicative circumstances.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42919515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Maurício Sartori Resende, Roberta Pires de Oliveira
Traditionally taken as one of the nominals forms of the verb, infinitives in Portuguese, in spite of their morphophonological homogeneity (-r), appear in a range of morphosyntactic contexts. This paper argues that all these contexts can be reduced to three, namely, a nominal, a verbal and a “mixed” – in the sense of Chomsky (1970). Specifically, by assuming Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993), it proposes a step-by-step morphosyntactic and semantic derivation of the contexts where the /R/-morpheme appears, also addressing the issues involving tense and aspect in these forms. In summary, we argue that nominal, verbal and mixed infinitives share the same derivational path up to AspP, which – we claim – is underdetermined, thus competing with (perfective) participles and (imperfective) gerunds. Above AspP, the first bifurcation is between no and T. Projecting no generates a predicate of events. By projecting T (in verbal and mixed infinitives), the system has a three-way path: T[+tense], where T will be futurate in relation to the finite matrix verb; T[–tense], where T will be simultaneous /anaphoric in respect to the finite matrix verb; or T[ ], where there is no c-commanding T and then, as last resort, the grammar will change this phrase into a predicate of events.
{"title":"Portuguese infinitives: their pieces and their meaning","authors":"Maurício Sartori Resende, Roberta Pires de Oliveira","doi":"10.16995/jpl.5889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/jpl.5889","url":null,"abstract":"Traditionally taken as one of the nominals forms of the verb, infinitives in Portuguese, in spite of their morphophonological homogeneity (-r), appear in a range of morphosyntactic contexts. This paper argues that all these contexts can be reduced to three, namely, a nominal, a verbal and a “mixed” – in the sense of Chomsky (1970). Specifically, by assuming Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993), it proposes a step-by-step morphosyntactic and semantic derivation of the contexts where the /R/-morpheme appears, also addressing the issues involving tense and aspect in these forms. In summary, we argue that nominal, verbal and mixed infinitives share the same derivational path up to AspP, which – we claim – is underdetermined, thus competing with (perfective) participles and (imperfective) gerunds. Above AspP, the first bifurcation is between no and T. Projecting no generates a predicate of events. By projecting T (in verbal and mixed infinitives), the system has a three-way path: T[+tense], where T will be futurate in relation to the finite matrix verb; T[–tense], where T will be simultaneous /anaphoric in respect to the finite matrix verb; or T[ ], where there is no c-commanding T and then, as last resort, the grammar will change this phrase into a predicate of events.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48270629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Categorical approaches to lexical stress typically assume that words have either regular or irregular stress, and imply that only the latter needs to be stored in the lexicon, while the former can be derived by rule. In this paper, we compare these two groups of words in a lexical decision task in Portuguese to examine whether the dichotomy in question affects lexical retrieval latencies in native speakers, which could indirectly reveal different processing patterns. Our results show no statistically credible effect of stress regularity on reaction times, even when lexical frequency, neighborhood density, and phonotactic probability are taken into consideration. The lack of an effect is consistent with a probabilistic approach to stress, not with a categorical (traditional) approach where syllables are either light or heavy and stress is either regular or irregular. We show that the posterior distribution of credible effect sizes of regularity is almost entirely (96.28%) within the region of practical equivalence, which provides strong evidence that no effect of regularity exists in the lexical decision data modelled. Frequency and phonotactic probability, in contrast, showed statistically credible effects given the experimental data modelled, which is consistent with the literature.
{"title":"Lexical access in Portuguese stress","authors":"Guilherme D. Garcia, N. Guzzo","doi":"10.31219/osf.io/pkycf","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/pkycf","url":null,"abstract":"Categorical approaches to lexical stress typically assume that words have either regular or irregular stress, and imply that only the latter needs to be stored in the lexicon, while the former can be derived by rule. In this paper, we compare these two groups of words in a lexical decision task in Portuguese to examine whether the dichotomy in question affects lexical retrieval latencies in native speakers, which could indirectly reveal different processing patterns. Our results show no statistically credible effect of stress regularity on reaction times, even when lexical frequency, neighborhood density, and phonotactic probability are taken into consideration. The lack of an effect is consistent with a probabilistic approach to stress, not with a categorical (traditional) approach where syllables are either light or heavy and stress is either regular or irregular. We show that the posterior distribution of credible effect sizes of regularity is almost entirely (96.28%) within the region of practical equivalence, which provides strong evidence that no effect of regularity exists in the lexical decision data modelled. Frequency and phonotactic probability, in contrast, showed statistically credible effects given the experimental data modelled, which is consistent with the literature.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48414875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tamil verb stems may be inclusive of a voice morpheme that encodes the degree of agency of the verb. Hence, using Paramasivam’s (1979) terminology, these kinds of verbs are paired verbs of which one is the affective and the other its effective counterpart. In the former, the action expressed by the verb is realised by an agent and affects a patient, whereas in the latter the consequences of the action fall on the subject who realises the action.This paper intends to analyse how missionaries described the verb system of Tamil which differed substantially from their own model of reference (Latin and Portuguese), and how they understood paired verbs, as defined above. As such, taking into account the Western sources that missionaries used to compose and organise their descriptions, this paper focuses on both verb conjugations and paired verbs in Tamil. It also demonstrates how the Latin grammatical framework was applied for the description of Tamil verbs and discusses the Indian grammatical sources available to missionaries.Given that the present classification of Tamil verbs is based on the one offered by a missionary, Karl Friedrich Leberecht Graul (1814–1864), this study highlights how earlier missionaries’ descriptions contributed to the current classification.
泰米尔语动词词干可能包含一个语音词素，该词素编码动词的代理程度。因此，使用帕拉马西瓦姆（1979）的术语，这类动词是成对动词，一种是情感动词，另一种是有效动词。在前者中，动词表达的动作由代理人实现并影响患者，而在后者中，动作的后果落在实现动作的主体身上。本文旨在分析传教士如何描述泰米尔语的动词系统，这与他们自己的指称模式（拉丁语和葡萄牙语）有很大不同，以及他们如何理解上文定义的成对动词。因此，考虑到传教士用来撰写和组织描述的西方来源，本文重点研究泰米尔语中的动词变位和成对动词。它还展示了拉丁语法框架是如何应用于泰米尔语动词的描述的，并讨论了传教士可以获得的印度语法来源。鉴于目前泰米尔语动词的分类是基于传教士Karl Friedrich Leberecht Graul（1814-1864）提供的分类，本研究强调了早期传教士的描述对当前分类的贡献。
{"title":"How missionaries applied Portuguese and Latin descriptive categories in the classification and explanation of verb conjugations and paired verbs of Tamil","authors":"Cristina Muru","doi":"10.5334/JPL.268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.268","url":null,"abstract":"Tamil verb stems may be inclusive of a voice morpheme that encodes the degree of agency of the verb. Hence, using Paramasivam’s (1979) terminology, these kinds of verbs are paired verbs of which one is the affective and the other its effective counterpart. In the former, the action expressed by the verb is realised by an agent and affects a patient, whereas in the latter the consequences of the action fall on the subject who realises the action.This paper intends to analyse how missionaries described the verb system of Tamil which differed substantially from their own model of reference (Latin and Portuguese), and how they understood paired verbs, as defined above. As such, taking into account the Western sources that missionaries used to compose and organise their descriptions, this paper focuses on both verb conjugations and paired verbs in Tamil. It also demonstrates how the Latin grammatical framework was applied for the description of Tamil verbs and discusses the Indian grammatical sources available to missionaries.Given that the present classification of Tamil verbs is based on the one offered by a missionary, Karl Friedrich Leberecht Graul (1814–1864), this study highlights how earlier missionaries’ descriptions contributed to the current classification.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42741654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This contribution,1 based on an examination of several Tamil dictionaries and Tamil grammars, composed in Portuguese and in Latin, by missionaries who were in Tamil Nadu during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, examines the lemmatization strategies which they followed, while dealing with Tamil verbal morphology. If nominal forms were not really a problem, verbal forms were more difficult to cope with. This is why for instance Proenca’s dictionary is very far from being completely lemmatized, and many of the forms which modern lexicographers would consider as falling under the same head, are listed as separate entries, and given separate translations. The complexity of the morphology was progressively mastered by grammarians, using labels taken from Portuguese or Latin terminology, although they did not always agree between themselves, concerning for instance what should be called infinitivus, some of them introducing new labels such as infinitivus substantivus and infinitivus absolutus. The most difficult nut to crack, however, was probably the existence of diathetic pairs, consisting of two paired verbs, which some modern linguists have referred to as ‘affective’ and ‘effective’, additionally accompanied by some causatives.
{"title":"From grammar to dictionary. The early challenge of lemmatizing Tamil verbal forms, through categories used for Latin and Portuguese","authors":"Jean-Luc Chevillard","doi":"10.5334/jpl.269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.269","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution,1 based on an examination of several Tamil dictionaries and Tamil grammars, composed in Portuguese and in Latin, by missionaries who were in Tamil Nadu during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, examines the lemmatization strategies which they followed, while dealing with Tamil verbal morphology. If nominal forms were not really a problem, verbal forms were more difficult to cope with. This is why for instance Proenca’s dictionary is very far from being completely lemmatized, and many of the forms which modern lexicographers would consider as falling under the same head, are listed as separate entries, and given separate translations. The complexity of the morphology was progressively mastered by grammarians, using labels taken from Portuguese or Latin terminology, although they did not always agree between themselves, concerning for instance what should be called infinitivus, some of them introducing new labels such as infinitivus substantivus and infinitivus absolutus. The most difficult nut to crack, however, was probably the existence of diathetic pairs, consisting of two paired verbs, which some modern linguists have referred to as ‘affective’ and ‘effective’, additionally accompanied by some causatives.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46713917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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