Le Fiasco de la politique linguistique canadienne Charles Castonguay, Montréal : Les Éditions du Renouveau québécois, 2021, pp. 65

Y. Laberge
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Abstract

separatism and bolster Alberta autonomy, the Fair Deal gamble may end up setting Alberta backwards on both counts” (106). To what extent Kenney intended to quell rather than agitate sentiments of regionalism is debatable. Nevertheless, Wesley’s analysis of the popularity of the Fair Deal strategy among Albertan voters corroborates the claim that these conflict-based politics were unsuccessful by any measure. Finally, Melanee Thomas unpacks how representation theory can contribute to the growing literature on the instrumentalization of gender in Canadian conservatism. In terms of descriptive, substantive, symbolic and affective representation, the UCP is found to be lacking; indeed, Thomas explains that the UCP “use gender and progressive language when it helps craft a useful victim narrative, and otherwise ignore or refuse to sincerely address gendered issues or policies that differently affect women” (163). With Alberta at the heart of the Canadian right, these chapters represent crucial case studies with implications for both provincial and federal politics. The collection’s overarching analysis of the UCP government hits its stride when discussing specific policy sectors through periods of animosity and “boondoggles” (to use Kenney’s terminology). Case studies by Gillian Steward, Charles Webber and Lisa Young cover health care, public education and post-secondary education, respectively. Lori Williams concludes this section with an overarching chapter on the UCP government’s war with labour before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Williams observes that the aforementioned antagonistic style of rhetoric, which she argues has been “uncompromising and needlessly punitive” (395), was also pointed inward at the public sector in Alberta. Williams concludes that in their negotiations with the Alberta Medical Association and the Alberta Teachers’ Association (among others), Kenney and his cabinet misjudged Alberta’s political culture and the subsequent unpopularity of curbing public spending with such aggression. Duane Bratt’s analysis of “Public Kenney” and “Private Kenney” and their approach to energy and environmental policy is an excellent example of the asymmetry between UCP rhetoric and action. As a whole, the collection successfully scrutinizes this distinct political theatre and Janus-faced nature of Kenney’s campaigns and policies. Nevertheless, Blue Storm’s true strength lies within specific chapters, such as those discussed above, that focus on the most pressing questions and their deeper implications. These chapters do justice to a roller coaster of a brief political era that will have a lasting impact within Alberta, providing a crucial case study for conservatism and politics in Canada.
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Charles Castonguay, montreal: Les editions du Renouveau quebecois, 2021,第65页
支持分离主义和支持阿尔伯塔自治权,公平交易的赌博可能最终使阿尔伯塔在这两个方面倒退”(106)。肯尼打算在多大程度上平息而不是煽动地区主义情绪是有争议的。然而,韦斯利对公平交易策略在艾伯塔省选民中受欢迎程度的分析证实了这种基于冲突的政治以任何标准衡量都是不成功的说法。最后,梅拉尼·托马斯(Melanee Thomas)揭示了表征理论如何有助于加拿大保守主义中性别工具化的文献的增长。在描述性、实质性、象征性和情感性表征方面,UCP存在不足;事实上,托马斯解释说,UCP“使用性别和进步的语言,当它有助于制作一个有用的受害者叙述,否则忽视或拒绝真诚地解决性别问题或政策不同地影响妇女”(163)。由于阿尔伯塔是加拿大右翼的核心,这些章节代表了重要的案例研究,对省和联邦政治都有影响。这本书对统一党政府的总体分析在讨论具体的政策部门时表现得非常出色,这些部门经历了充满敌意的时期和“无聊的事情”(用肯尼的术语来说)。Gillian Steward、Charles Webber和Lisa Young的案例研究分别涵盖了医疗保健、公共教育和高等教育。洛里·威廉姆斯在本节的最后一章概述了在COVID-19大流行之前和期间,统一党政府与劳工的战争。Williams注意到,前面提到的对抗性的修辞风格,她认为是“不妥协和不必要的惩罚”(395),也指向了艾伯塔省的公共部门。威廉姆斯的结论是,在与阿尔伯塔医学协会和阿尔伯塔教师协会(以及其他组织)的谈判中,肯尼和他的内阁错误地判断了阿尔伯塔的政治文化,以及随后以这种侵略方式遏制公共支出的不受欢迎程度。Duane Bratt对“公共肯尼”和“私人肯尼”的分析以及他们对能源和环境政策的态度是UCP言论与行动之间不对称的一个很好的例子。总的来说,这个系列成功地审视了这种独特的政治舞台,以及肯尼竞选和政策的两面性。然而,《Blue Storm》的真正优势在于特定章节,例如上面讨论的那些章节,它们专注于最紧迫的问题及其更深层次的含义。这些章节公正地描述了一个短暂的政治时代的过山车,它将对阿尔伯塔省产生持久的影响,为加拿大的保守主义和政治提供了一个重要的案例研究。
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