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Beyond Rights: The Nisga'a Final Agreement and the Challenges of Modern Treaty Relationships Carole Blackburn, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2021, pp. 184 超越权利:Nisga'a Final Agreement and the Challenges of Modern Treaty Relationships Carole Blackburn, Vancouver:UBC Press, 2021, pp.
Pub Date : 2024-05-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000143
Kelvin Eisses
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引用次数: 0
Categorical Inequalities and Canadian Attitudes toward Positive and Negative Rights 分类不平等与加拿大人对积极权利和消极权利的态度
Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000076
Irene Bloemraad, Allison Harell, Nicholas A.R. Fraser
Liberal democracies are expected to provide residents with both negative rights, such as limitations against the abuse of police powers, and some range of positive (social) rights, such as access to social benefits. These rights are commonly deemed to apply equally, without respect to individuals’ ascriptive backgrounds. Existing research, often in the US context and focused on social programs, shows both support for abstract rights and group-specific prejudices. We interrogate whether similar patterns exist in Canada and innovate by directly examining negative and positive rights in the same study. Using a series of novel survey experiments, we demonstrate the degree to which categorical inequalities based on race and legal status affect public support for rights provision in Canada. Both rights are more recognized for citizens relative to out-of-status migrants, and legal status at times interacts with racialized minority status. Rights appear far from universal in the minds of Canadians.
自由民主国家应为居民提供消极权利(如限制滥用警察权力)和一定范围的积极(社会)权利(如获得社会福利)。这些权利通常被认为是平等适用的,与个人的描述背景无关。现有的研究通常是在美国背景下进行的,重点是社会项目,这些研究既显示了对抽象权利的支持,也显示了对特定群体的偏见。我们探讨了加拿大是否存在类似的模式,并通过在同一研究中直接考察消极权利和积极权利进行了创新。通过一系列新颖的调查实验,我们证明了基于种族和法律地位的分类不平等在多大程度上影响了加拿大公众对权利规定的支持。相对于没有合法身份的移民,公民的这两项权利都得到了更多的认可,而合法身份有时会与种族化的少数群体身份相互影响。在加拿大人的心目中,权利似乎远未普及。
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引用次数: 0
Marx on Leisure: An Aristotelian Interpretation 马克思论闲暇亚里士多德式的解读
Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000118
Simeon Goldstraw
Despite his influence on those interested by leisure, Marx's own conception of leisure is rarely discussed. Insofar as it is, he is generally either thought to see leisure as free time or as indistinct from necessary labour in communist society. In this article, I suggest that by reading Capital and the Grundrisse through an Aristotelian lens, we can find a third potential conception of leisure in Marx, which shares three features in common with Aristotle's. Leisure is distinct from free time simpliciter, it is a “state-condition” people are in when they perform ends in themselves, and it is constitutive of the final end. I conclude that adopting a conception of leisure grounded in this Marxian conception could have implications for contemporary debates around free time and the value of leisure goods like arts and culture.
尽管马克思对那些对闲暇感兴趣的人产生了影响,但他本人对闲暇的概念却很少被讨论。就讨论而言,人们通常认为他要么将闲暇视为自由时间,要么认为闲暇与共产主义社会中的必要劳动无关。在本文中,我认为,通过从亚里士多德的视角解读《资本论》和《格论》,我们可以在马克思那里找到第三种潜在的闲暇概念,它与亚里士多德的闲暇概念有三个共同特征。闲暇有别于单纯的自由时间,它是人们在实现自身目的时所处的一种 "状态条件",而且它是最终目的的构成要素。我的结论是,采用以马克思的这一概念为基础的休闲概念,可能会对当代围绕自由时间以及艺术和文化等休闲产品的价值展开的辩论产生影响。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy and Exclusion Patti Tamara Lenard, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023, pp. 232 民主与排斥 Patti Tamara Lenard 著,牛津大学出版社,2023 年,第 232 页:牛津大学出版社,2023 年,第 232 页
Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000052
Elaine Coburn
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引用次数: 0
Toward A (Not The) Political Philosophy Of Populism: Democracy, Moral Dualism And Minimalst Theory In Christopher Lasch 走向民粹主义的(非)政治哲学》:克里斯托弗-拉斯奇的民主、道德二元论和最低限度理论
Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000040
G. Gerson
I compare Christopher Lasch's thought to specific features that research in political science attributes to contemporary populism. Lasch openly favoured a historical form of populism but is rarely considered when current forms of populism are discussed. The research literature characterizes populism as superficially tied to democracy while undermining it, as committed to the moral binary of people and elites, and as intellectually “thin” because it does not engage with the complex theories that ground other ideologies. These characters make populism incoherent and inimical to democracy. Lasch manifests all three characters while connecting them to a sustained worldview. Humans’ awareness of death is the core feature that makes them rational, ethical and equal. Attempts to dilute that awareness are inimical to the equality at democracy's basis. Experts and professionals encourage this dilution by promising remedies and progress. Democracy depends on ordinary people who resist elites and their complex phraseologies.
我将克里斯托弗-拉斯奇的思想与政治学研究赋予当代民粹主义的具体特征进行比较。拉斯奇公开赞成一种历史形式的民粹主义,但在讨论当前形式的民粹主义时却很少被考虑。研究文献将民粹主义描述为表面上与民主挂钩,实则破坏民主;致力于人民与精英的道德二元对立;智力上 "单薄",因为它不涉及作为其他意识形态基础的复杂理论。这些特征使得民粹主义不连贯,与民主背道而驰。拉斯奇在将这三个角色与持续的世界观联系起来的同时,也表现了这三个角色。人类对死亡的认识是使其理性、道德和平等的核心特征。试图淡化这种意识是对民主基础上的平等的破坏。专家和专业人士通过许诺补救措施和进步来鼓励这种淡化。民主有赖于普通人抵制精英及其复杂的用语。
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引用次数: 0
Les courants nationalistes à l’épreuve des générations : analyses des attitudes et choix de vote des Québécois.es de 2007 à 2022 经过几代人考验的民族主义潮流:2007 年至 2022 年魁北克人的态度和投票选择分析
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000106
Valérie-Anne Mahéo, Éric Bélanger
L'existence et la persistance de mouvements nationalistes peuvent avoir plusieurs explications, dont l'une est liée aux générations – à la façon dont elles ont été socialisées à la politique dans des contextes sociétaux distincts, et comment les générations plus âgées sont remplacées par les plus jeunes à travers le temps. Pour mieux comprendre l’évolution du nationalisme au Québec, cette étude s'appuie sur les six dernières Études électorales québécoises (2007–2022) et utilise un modèle âge-période-cohorte pour examiner la relation entre les groupes générationnels et divers indicateurs du nationalisme. Les résultats révèlent effectivement une histoire générationnelle. Les baby-boomers se distinguent particulièrement des autres générations par leur attachement au Québec, leur soutien au projet d'indépendance et leur appui au Parti québécois, tandis que les millénariaux soutiennent davantage Québec solidaire et les membres de la génération X appuient davantage la Coalition avenir Québec. Ainsi, il cohabite actuellement différentes « générations nationalistes » au Québec.
民族主义运动的存在和持续可以有几种解释,其中之一与世代有关--他们是如何在不同的社会背景下被社会化为政治的,以及随着时间的推移,老一代人是如何被年轻一代人取代的。为了更好地理解魁北克民族主义的演变,本研究借鉴了过去六次魁北克选举研究(2007-2022 年),并使用年龄-时期-队列模型来考察代际群体与民族主义各种指标之间的关系。研究结果确实揭示了代际关系。婴儿潮一代在对魁北克的依恋、对独立项目的支持以及对魁北克党的支持方面尤其突出,而千禧一代更支持魁北克团结党,X 代成员更支持魁北克未来联盟。因此,今天的魁北克存在着不同的 "民族主义世代"。
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引用次数: 0
A Comprehensive Dataset of Four Provincial Legislative Assembly Members 四个省立法议会议员的综合数据集
Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1017/s000842392400009x
Alexandre Rivard, M. Bodet, J. Godbout, Éric Montigny
This research note reports on a new dataset about legislators in four Canadian provinces since the establishment of their colonial assemblies in the eighteenth century. Over 7,000 legislators from Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia are included, with consolidated information drawn from multiple sources about parliamentarians’ years of birth and death, religion, electoral performance, kinship, and several other biographical indicators. We also illustrate the utility of such data with the help of a few descriptive examples drawn from the four provinces. We believe this consolidated dataset offers several opportunities for future research on representation, legislative activities and party politics.
本研究报告介绍了一个新的数据集,该数据集涉及加拿大四个省份自十八世纪殖民议会成立以来的议员情况。该数据集收录了安大略省、魁北克省、新不伦瑞克省和新斯科舍省的 7000 多名立法者,并从多个来源收集了有关议员出生和死亡年份、宗教信仰、选举表现、亲属关系以及其他一些传记指标的综合信息。我们还通过四个省份的一些描述性实例来说明这些数据的实用性。我们相信,这一综合数据集为未来有关代表权、立法活动和政党政治的研究提供了若干机会。
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引用次数: 0
Anatomie d'un populisme émergent ? La communication en ligne du Parti conservateur du Québec 剖析新兴民粹主义?魁北克保守党的在线交流
Pub Date : 2024-04-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000064
Jérémie Drouin, Thierry Giasson
Cette étude se penche sur la communication du Parti conservateur du Québec (PCQ) sur Facebook et X au cours de l'année précédant l’élection générale québécoise de 2022. Basée sur une analyse de contenu d'un échantillon de 800 messages diffusés sur Facebook et X par le parti et son chef Éric Duhaime, l'analyse relève les éléments populistes des publications de même que les objectifs politiques de sa communication en ligne. L'article démontre comment le parti a utilisé ces plateformes numériques afin de tenter de mobiliser une base d’électeurs en contournant les filtres médiatiques traditionnels et en s'adressant directement aux électeurs afin de tirer profit du contexte médiatique hybride québécois. Deux conclusions découlent de nos analyses. Premièrement, le PCQ semble avoir employé un discours populiste à caractère antiélitiste de manière à exploiter une grogne pandémique présente au Québec. Deuxièmement, le parti a utilisé les fonctions de mobilisations qu'offrent les médias socionumériques afin de constituer une coalition d’électeurs.
本研究探讨了魁北克保守党 (QCP) 在 2022 年魁北克大选前一年在 Facebook 和 X 上的传播。基于对该党及其领导人 Éric Duhaime 在 Facebook 和 X 上发布的 800 条信息的内容分析,该分析确定了出版物中的民粹主义元素及其在线传播的政治目标。文章展示了该党如何利用这些数字平台,试图绕过传统媒体的过滤,直接与选民对话,以利用魁北克的混合媒体环境来动员选民基础。我们的分析得出了两个结论。首先,PCQ 似乎采用了一种民粹主义、反精英主义的话语,以利用魁北克普遍存在的不满情绪。其次,该党利用社交数字媒体提供的动员功能来建立选民联盟。
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引用次数: 0
Par-delà l'obligation d'exploiter le territoire : Autodétermination des communautés locales et transition énergétique au Québec 超越开发土地的义务:魁北克地方社区的自决和能源转型
Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000088
Jérôme Gosselin-Tapp, F. Jean, Sacha-Emmanuel Mossu, L. Bédard
Cet article propose une analyse du contexte québécois, actuellement marqué par une prolifération des titres miniers visant des minéraux critiques. Nous examinons la thèse selon laquelle nous aurions une obligation morale d'exploiter le territoire en vue de la transition énergétique. Selon cette idée mise de l'avant notamment par l'industrie minière et le gouvernement provincial québécois, l'opposition des communautés locales à l’égard des projets miniers serait un cas de « NIMBY ». Pour répondre à cette accusation, cet article propose une réflexion sur le rapport qu'entretiennent les communautés politiques avec le territoire à partir des travaux de Margaret Moore, de Cara Nine, et d'intuitions provenant de la Green Legal Theory. Cet article conclut en un droit prima facie des communautés locales de ne pas exploiter les minéraux critiques sur leur territoire.
本文分析了魁北克的情况,目前针对关键矿产的采矿权激增。我们研究了这样一种论调,即我们在道义上有义务开发土地以实现能源转型。根据采矿业和魁北克省政府特别提出的这一观点,当地社区对采矿项目的反对是一种 "NIMBY "行为。针对这一指责,本文借鉴玛格丽特-摩尔(Margaret Moore)和卡拉-九(Cara Nine)的研究成果以及绿色法律理论的见解,探讨了政治社区与领地之间的关系。文章的结论是,当地社区拥有不在其领土上开采关键矿物的初步权利。
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引用次数: 0
Reclaiming Anishinabe Law: Kinamaadiwin Inaakonigewin and the Treaty Right to Education Leo Baskatawang, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2023, pp. 224 恢复阿尼西纳部法律:Kinamaadiwin Inaakonigewin and the Treaty Right to Education Leo Baskatawang, Winnipeg:马尼托巴大学出版社,2023 年,第 224 页
Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423924000039
Elliot Goodell Ugalde
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of Political Science
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