{"title":"Understanding the Policy Responses of the Philippines towards China’s Economic Statecraft under the Duterte Administration","authors":"Gratiana Jung","doi":"10.1163/21983534-10020005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\nThis essay is a preliminary study of the Philippines’ foreign policy towards China under President Rodrigo Roa Duterte. It will examine China’s economic statecraft as the sender country towards the Philippines as the target country. The ultimate goal of China’s economic policies is to foster a submissive response from the Philippines over their territorial disputes in the South China Sea. This paper applies the theoretical model proposed by Jean-Marc F. Blanchard and Norrin M. Ripsman (2008 and 2013) to study the political theory of economic statecraft, as applied by the sender and target countries. Blanchard and Ripsman argue that domestic factors serve as significant intervening variables in the strategy of the target country’s leaders towards the sender country. Thus, the target country’s leaders will view the sender country’s economic sanctions or economic inducements differently, depending on the domestic socioeconomic situation. By looking at the Duterte administration in the Philippines, this paper intends to expand upon the research agenda of the theory on economic statecraft and international relations. It will shine a light on the puzzling flip-flop of the Philippines’ foreign policy strategy. It shows that Blanchard and Ripsman’s “stateness” conditionalist approach provides a plausible explanation of the Filipino response to China’s economic statecraft. Instead of relying on conventional neo-realist, economic liberalist, or regime-type conditionalist arguments, this paper will focus on the control of leaders over the decision-making environment. However, it does acknowledge that stateness does not fully explain the Philippines’ strategic adjustment towards China, as international variables could have affected the Philippines’ policy response to China’s economic statecraft. This paper, therefore, argues that domestic and international factors play vital roles in affecting the dynamics in the target state and the effectiveness of the sender state’s economic statecraft.","PeriodicalId":40791,"journal":{"name":"Majalah Kedokteran Bandung-MKB-Bandung Medical Journal","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Majalah Kedokteran Bandung-MKB-Bandung Medical Journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/21983534-10020005","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"MEDICINE, GENERAL & INTERNAL","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
This essay is a preliminary study of the Philippines’ foreign policy towards China under President Rodrigo Roa Duterte. It will examine China’s economic statecraft as the sender country towards the Philippines as the target country. The ultimate goal of China’s economic policies is to foster a submissive response from the Philippines over their territorial disputes in the South China Sea. This paper applies the theoretical model proposed by Jean-Marc F. Blanchard and Norrin M. Ripsman (2008 and 2013) to study the political theory of economic statecraft, as applied by the sender and target countries. Blanchard and Ripsman argue that domestic factors serve as significant intervening variables in the strategy of the target country’s leaders towards the sender country. Thus, the target country’s leaders will view the sender country’s economic sanctions or economic inducements differently, depending on the domestic socioeconomic situation. By looking at the Duterte administration in the Philippines, this paper intends to expand upon the research agenda of the theory on economic statecraft and international relations. It will shine a light on the puzzling flip-flop of the Philippines’ foreign policy strategy. It shows that Blanchard and Ripsman’s “stateness” conditionalist approach provides a plausible explanation of the Filipino response to China’s economic statecraft. Instead of relying on conventional neo-realist, economic liberalist, or regime-type conditionalist arguments, this paper will focus on the control of leaders over the decision-making environment. However, it does acknowledge that stateness does not fully explain the Philippines’ strategic adjustment towards China, as international variables could have affected the Philippines’ policy response to China’s economic statecraft. This paper, therefore, argues that domestic and international factors play vital roles in affecting the dynamics in the target state and the effectiveness of the sender state’s economic statecraft.
本文是对杜特尔特总统执政时期菲律宾对华外交政策的初步研究。它将考察中国作为发送国对菲律宾作为目标国的经济治国方略。中国经济政策的最终目标是促使菲律宾对其在南中国海的领土争端做出顺从的回应。本文采用Jean-Marc F. Blanchard和Norrin M. Ripsman(2008年和2013年)提出的理论模型,研究经济治国的政治理论,即发送国和目标国的政治理论。Blanchard和Ripsman认为,国内因素是目标国领导人对输出国战略的重要干预变量。因此,受援国领导人会根据其国内社会经济状况,对派遣国的经济制裁或经济诱因有不同的看法。通过观察菲律宾的杜特尔特政府,本文打算扩展经济治国方略和国际关系理论的研究议程。它将揭示菲律宾外交政策战略令人费解的反复无常。这表明,布兰查德和里普斯曼的“国家”条件主义方法为菲律宾对中国经济治国方略的反应提供了一个合理的解释。本文将侧重于领导人对决策环境的控制,而不是依赖传统的新现实主义、经济自由主义或政权型条件主义论点。然而,它也承认,国家地位并不能完全解释菲律宾对中国的战略调整,因为国际变量可能会影响菲律宾对中国经济治国方略的政策反应。因此,本文认为国内和国际因素在影响目标国的动态和派遣国经济治国方术的有效性方面起着至关重要的作用。