Policy Controversies and Political Blame Games

P. Copeland
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Abstract

policy instruments relate to each other and whether it is at all possible for governments to attain policy coherence given the policy legacy officials inherit when they are elected into office. Such a discussion would provide a welcome contribution to the literature on policy coherence. These considerations result in a second perspective that appears fruitful for expanding the purview of this research and refers to explicit political attempts to change the way policies are made. The authors reflect on attempts by governments to push deregulation. However, there are also documented efforts to change the way policies are created. A case in point is the United Kingdom, where the government tends to present visions for how they want to modify the policymaking process with a view to make it more effective, efficient and/or transparent. Another example refers to the European Union (EU) and its commitment to “better regulation”, which the EU Commission found to have delivered on its promises to make EU law simpler while still achieving the intended policy goals. To put these observations in a question: How does this book relate to “better regulation” agendas? Third, the authors concentrate on responsive government, which corresponds to the standard perspective of comparative politics on the relationship between elected policy makers and their voters. However, in much of his work, the influential scholar Peter Mair, for example, contended that governments do not only have to be responsive, but also responsible regarding the longterm needs of the people they represent. From this perspective, policy makers need to balance short-term, explicitly articulated demands and long-term, only implicitly articulated or entirely unarticulated demands of those same people. Adding the notion of responsibility to the analysis could perhaps result in a different interpretation of the empirical patterns observed. To conclude, Christian Adam and coauthors offer a compelling analysis of a relevant empirical phenomenon, which is strong in both its theoretical and empirical components but requires good prior knowledge and an understanding of various literature streams. Advanced students and scholars of comparative public policy will appreciate this theory-led empirical research. Additionally, this book can offer doctoral students a point of departure for developing their own research agendas which may reflect on some of the avenues outlined above.
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政策争议和政治指责游戏
政策工具相互关联,考虑到官员当选后继承的政策遗产,政府是否有可能实现政策一致性。这样的讨论将对有关政策一致性的文献作出值得欢迎的贡献。这些考虑导致了第二种观点,这种观点对于扩大本研究的范围似乎是富有成效的,它涉及改变政策制定方式的明确政治尝试。作者反思了政府推动放松管制的尝试。然而,也有文档记录了改变策略创建方式的努力。一个典型的例子是英国,在那里,政府倾向于提出他们希望如何修改政策制定过程的愿景,以使其更有效、高效和/或透明。另一个例子是欧盟(EU)及其对“更好的监管”的承诺,欧盟委员会(European Commission)发现,在实现预期政策目标的同时,它已经兑现了使欧盟法律更简单的承诺。把这些观察结果变成一个问题:这本书与“更好的监管”议程有什么关系?第三,作者关注的是响应型政府,这符合比较政治学对当选决策者与其选民之间关系的标准视角。然而,有影响力的学者彼得·梅尔(Peter maair)在他的大部分著作中主张,政府不仅要对他们所代表的人民的长期需求作出反应,而且要负责任。从这个角度来看,政策制定者需要平衡短期的、明确表达的需求和长期的、只是隐含表达或完全没有表达的需求。在分析中加入责任的概念可能会导致对观察到的经验模式的不同解释。综上所述,克里斯蒂安·亚当及其合著者对相关的实证现象进行了令人信服的分析,其理论和实证成分都很强,但需要良好的先验知识和对各种文献流的理解。比较公共政策的高级学生和学者将欣赏这种理论主导的实证研究。此外,这本书可以为博士生提供一个出发点,以发展自己的研究议程,这可能反映在上面概述的一些途径。
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