{"title":"Africa","authors":"J. Mcilwaine","doi":"10.1017/S0041977X0000879X","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"the ' backwardness' of the Muslim population through' enlightened' leadership. Furthermore, the articulation of aspirations towards the establishment of an independent Moro nationstate emerged in the late 1960s as a (largely disingenuous) response by Muslim politicians displaced by the increasingly interventionist and centralizing tendencies of President Ferdinand Marcos. These politicians worked in tandem with a new generation of radicalized Muslim students (university-educated in Manila or at al-Azhar in Cairo) much as their Christian counterparts elsewhere in the Philippines (e.g. Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr.) did with the newly formed Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its New People's Army (NPA). As McKenna shows, even the sectarian violence in Cotabato in the early 1970s was intertwined with these new extra-electoral tactics of ' traditional politicians', and ultimately the product of class, rather than ethno-religious, tensions and antagonisms. Whilst this historical backdrop is outlined with great care and considerable detail and documentation in the first seven chapters, the remainder of the book draws more on McKenna's ethnographic work and deals with more contemporary issues. Here he is keen to show how popular support for armed separatism (the MILF in particular) reflects less the ' hegemonic ideology' of elite notions of Moro ethno-nationalism than the vulnerability of ordinary Muslims to the predications of various armed groups (most notably the Armed Forces of the Philippines) and its interpretation of the appeal for ' Islamic unity' in terms of' the ideal of juridical equality for all Cotabato Muslims' (p. 282). McKenna is especially sensitive to the ways in which appeals to an undifferentiated ethno-religious ' national' unity must be understood as both masking and mediated by relations of inequality, domination, and exploitation. In his fine-grained account of sociological and political change in Cotabato, McKenna may underplay continuities and connections, drawing the lines between former smugglers, 'traditional politicians', rebel commanders, religious leaders (ulama and ustadz) far more sharply than even his own evidence suggests. But even here this reviewer suspects that McKenna knows more than he cares to reveal. This is an outstanding piece of scholarship— elegantly written, amply documented, thoroughly researched, and reflecting a critical engagement-with the existing academic literature and journalistic conventional wisdom, with questions of contemporary political salience, and with the realities of everyday life for poor Muslims in the southern Philippines. McKenna has made an important contribution to the study of Philippine politics, Islam in SouthEast Asia, nationalism and 'separatism', and hegemony and resistance more generally.","PeriodicalId":9459,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies","volume":"99 1","pages":"458 - 459"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X0000879X","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

the ' backwardness' of the Muslim population through' enlightened' leadership. Furthermore, the articulation of aspirations towards the establishment of an independent Moro nationstate emerged in the late 1960s as a (largely disingenuous) response by Muslim politicians displaced by the increasingly interventionist and centralizing tendencies of President Ferdinand Marcos. These politicians worked in tandem with a new generation of radicalized Muslim students (university-educated in Manila or at al-Azhar in Cairo) much as their Christian counterparts elsewhere in the Philippines (e.g. Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr.) did with the newly formed Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its New People's Army (NPA). As McKenna shows, even the sectarian violence in Cotabato in the early 1970s was intertwined with these new extra-electoral tactics of ' traditional politicians', and ultimately the product of class, rather than ethno-religious, tensions and antagonisms. Whilst this historical backdrop is outlined with great care and considerable detail and documentation in the first seven chapters, the remainder of the book draws more on McKenna's ethnographic work and deals with more contemporary issues. Here he is keen to show how popular support for armed separatism (the MILF in particular) reflects less the ' hegemonic ideology' of elite notions of Moro ethno-nationalism than the vulnerability of ordinary Muslims to the predications of various armed groups (most notably the Armed Forces of the Philippines) and its interpretation of the appeal for ' Islamic unity' in terms of' the ideal of juridical equality for all Cotabato Muslims' (p. 282). McKenna is especially sensitive to the ways in which appeals to an undifferentiated ethno-religious ' national' unity must be understood as both masking and mediated by relations of inequality, domination, and exploitation. In his fine-grained account of sociological and political change in Cotabato, McKenna may underplay continuities and connections, drawing the lines between former smugglers, 'traditional politicians', rebel commanders, religious leaders (ulama and ustadz) far more sharply than even his own evidence suggests. But even here this reviewer suspects that McKenna knows more than he cares to reveal. This is an outstanding piece of scholarship— elegantly written, amply documented, thoroughly researched, and reflecting a critical engagement-with the existing academic literature and journalistic conventional wisdom, with questions of contemporary political salience, and with the realities of everyday life for poor Muslims in the southern Philippines. McKenna has made an important contribution to the study of Philippine politics, Islam in SouthEast Asia, nationalism and 'separatism', and hegemony and resistance more generally.
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通过“开明”的领导来解决穆斯林人口的“落后”。此外,20世纪60年代末出现了建立一个独立的摩洛民族国家的愿望,这是穆斯林政治家对费迪南德·马科斯总统日益增加的干涉主义和中央集权倾向的回应(很大程度上是虚伪的)。这些政客与新一代激进的穆斯林学生(在马尼拉或开罗的爱资哈尔大学接受大学教育)合作,就像他们在菲律宾其他地方的基督徒同行(如参议员贝尼尼奥·阿基诺)与新成立的菲律宾共产党(CPP)及其新人民军(NPA)合作一样。正如麦肯纳所说,即使是20世纪70年代初哥打巴托的宗派暴力也与“传统政客”的这些新的选举外策略交织在一起,最终是阶级而非种族-宗教、紧张关系和对抗的产物。虽然这一历史背景在前七章中被非常仔细地勾勒出来,并有相当多的细节和文献,但本书的其余部分更多地借鉴了麦肯纳的民族志工作,并处理了更多的当代问题。在这里,他热衷于展示民众对武装分离主义(特别是摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线)的支持,与其说反映了摩洛民族主义精英观念的“霸权意识形态”,不如说是普通穆斯林在各种武装团体(最明显的是菲律宾武装部队)的预言下的脆弱性,以及它对“所有哥打巴托穆斯林司法平等的理想”的“伊斯兰团结”呼吁的解释(第282页)。麦肯纳尤其敏锐地意识到,对于一种无差别的种族-宗教“国家”统一的诉求,必须被理解为不平等、统治和剥削关系的掩盖和中介。麦肯纳对哥打巴托的社会和政治变化进行了细致入时的描述,他可能低估了连续性和联系,将前走私者、“传统政治家”、叛军指挥官、宗教领袖(乌拉玛和乌斯塔德)之间的界限划得比他自己的证据所显示的要清晰得多。但即使在这里,笔者也怀疑麦肯纳知道的比他想透露的要多。这是一部杰出的学术著作——文笔优美,文献翔实,研究透彻,反映了一种批判性的参与——既有学术文献和新闻传统智慧,也有当代政治突出问题,以及菲律宾南部贫穷穆斯林的日常生活现实。麦肯纳对菲律宾政治、东南亚的伊斯兰教、民族主义和“分离主义”以及更广泛的霸权和抵抗的研究做出了重要贡献。
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