Having Your Say: Threats to Free Speech in the 21st Century

J. Shackleton
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But speech bans have a long history, which shows that, whatever the intent, they are often more likely to hurt disadvantaged groups than protect them. Recent restrictions on speech in western Europe, for example, have been copied to sinister purpose by oppressive governments. Political extremism is more widespread, but less dangerous, than is often supposed by mainstream politicians and commentators. The way to tackle it is by intelligent policing to restrict opportunities for violence rather than by blanket bans on freedom of expression. The presence of disturbing online content is leading governments towards increasing regulation of social media and Internet hosts. But the attempt to eliminate disinformation and harm from the Internet is likely to be doomed to failure. Recent legislative proposals will not achieve what they are intended to achieve, but may cause innovation and competition to suffer. Free speech is considered by both right and left as negotiable or even dispensable when faced with issues such as Covid-19 or Black Lives Matter. In such circumstances our political elites pursue a particular narrative through mainstream and social media and effectively ‘cancel’ those who express opposition or even mild doubt. The prevailing mood of political correctness inhibits comedians and makes people ashamed of what they or their parents used to laugh at in the past. While the consensus may be that there have to be some externally imposed limits on comedic speech, we can’t assume that those who police this speech will act reasonably. A healthy society needs to be able to laugh at itself, even if it occasionally hurts. A neglected area of concern is ‘commercial free speech’ – what advertisers can and can’t say. UK advertising is widely praised worldwide, and a major export earner. But it is increasingly restricted both by government bans and by the Advertising Standards Authority, an unrepresentative body which promotes a form of social engineering and has called for the regulation of political speech. Some aspects of religious freedom are under threat. Public Space Protection Orders and Community Protection Notices have been activated against Christian activists handing out leaflets and holding placards or even silently praying in anti-abortion demonstrations. Proselytising Christians have also been investigated for alleged hate crimes, while some people have lost their jobs for asserting Christian values. Muslims are also particularly at risk from anti-extremist policies. Universities, like other organisations, have the right to prohibit certain types of expression and behaviour from their premises, and impose contractual obligations on employees. However, recent challenges to free speech in higher education, often driven by radical students demanding suppression of ideas, ‘no platforming’ and sanctions against or dismissal of staff, are a worrying phenomenon. A major part of the problem is the lack of institutional diversity in higher education. Trade unions, in the past among the fiercest proponents of free speech, have moved away from this and instead focus on a ‘therapeutic’ role which requires them to protect members from speech that is felt to threaten harm or vaguely defined ‘offence’. ‘Offence’ has indeed been too widely accepted as a reason for speech restrictions. People may feel offended without being offended in a significant way, and even those being offended may suffer no meaningful harm. And while people can be compensated for harm from free speech, there is no way of compensating people for removing the freedom to speak. In any case, on purely pragmatic grounds it is nearly always best to allow serious disagreements to be vigorously debated rather than suppressed.","PeriodicalId":11797,"journal":{"name":"ERN: Regulation (IO) (Topic)","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ERN: Regulation (IO) (Topic)","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3893606","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Free speech is, with free trade, freedom of enterprise and security of property, one of the key features of classical liberalism. It is currently being undermined, for a variety of plausible reasons, by government, social and mainstream media companies, and the behaviour of individuals, firms and non-profit organisations. Having thrown off the obvious shackles on free speech in the 1960s and 1970s, we are now imposing new forms of restriction on freedom of thought and expression. Young people in particular are being socialised into a censoriousness about dissident behaviour and speech which is reminiscent of totalitarian regimes. One reason for suppressing free speech is concern with ‘hate crimes’. But speech bans have a long history, which shows that, whatever the intent, they are often more likely to hurt disadvantaged groups than protect them. Recent restrictions on speech in western Europe, for example, have been copied to sinister purpose by oppressive governments. Political extremism is more widespread, but less dangerous, than is often supposed by mainstream politicians and commentators. The way to tackle it is by intelligent policing to restrict opportunities for violence rather than by blanket bans on freedom of expression. The presence of disturbing online content is leading governments towards increasing regulation of social media and Internet hosts. But the attempt to eliminate disinformation and harm from the Internet is likely to be doomed to failure. Recent legislative proposals will not achieve what they are intended to achieve, but may cause innovation and competition to suffer. Free speech is considered by both right and left as negotiable or even dispensable when faced with issues such as Covid-19 or Black Lives Matter. In such circumstances our political elites pursue a particular narrative through mainstream and social media and effectively ‘cancel’ those who express opposition or even mild doubt. The prevailing mood of political correctness inhibits comedians and makes people ashamed of what they or their parents used to laugh at in the past. While the consensus may be that there have to be some externally imposed limits on comedic speech, we can’t assume that those who police this speech will act reasonably. A healthy society needs to be able to laugh at itself, even if it occasionally hurts. A neglected area of concern is ‘commercial free speech’ – what advertisers can and can’t say. UK advertising is widely praised worldwide, and a major export earner. But it is increasingly restricted both by government bans and by the Advertising Standards Authority, an unrepresentative body which promotes a form of social engineering and has called for the regulation of political speech. Some aspects of religious freedom are under threat. Public Space Protection Orders and Community Protection Notices have been activated against Christian activists handing out leaflets and holding placards or even silently praying in anti-abortion demonstrations. Proselytising Christians have also been investigated for alleged hate crimes, while some people have lost their jobs for asserting Christian values. Muslims are also particularly at risk from anti-extremist policies. Universities, like other organisations, have the right to prohibit certain types of expression and behaviour from their premises, and impose contractual obligations on employees. However, recent challenges to free speech in higher education, often driven by radical students demanding suppression of ideas, ‘no platforming’ and sanctions against or dismissal of staff, are a worrying phenomenon. A major part of the problem is the lack of institutional diversity in higher education. Trade unions, in the past among the fiercest proponents of free speech, have moved away from this and instead focus on a ‘therapeutic’ role which requires them to protect members from speech that is felt to threaten harm or vaguely defined ‘offence’. ‘Offence’ has indeed been too widely accepted as a reason for speech restrictions. People may feel offended without being offended in a significant way, and even those being offended may suffer no meaningful harm. And while people can be compensated for harm from free speech, there is no way of compensating people for removing the freedom to speak. In any case, on purely pragmatic grounds it is nearly always best to allow serious disagreements to be vigorously debated rather than suppressed.
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发表你的意见:21世纪对言论自由的威胁
言论自由与贸易自由、企业自由和财产安全一样,是古典自由主义的主要特征之一。由于种种看似合理的原因,政府、社会和主流媒体公司,以及个人、企业和非营利组织的行为,正在削弱这一机制。在20世纪60年代和70年代摆脱了对言论自由的明显束缚后,我们现在正在对思想和言论自由施加新形式的限制。尤其是年轻人,正被社会化,对持不同政见的行为和言论进行审查,这让人想起极权主义政权。压制言论自由的一个原因是担心“仇恨犯罪”。但言论禁令有着悠久的历史,这表明,无论意图如何,它们往往更有可能伤害弱势群体,而不是保护他们。例如,最近在西欧对言论的限制已经被专制政府复制到邪恶的目的。政治极端主义比主流政治家和评论员通常认为的更为普遍,但危险性较小。解决这一问题的方法是通过智能警务来限制暴力的机会,而不是全面禁止言论自由。令人不安的网络内容的存在正促使各国政府加强对社交媒体和互联网主机的监管。但是,试图消除互联网上的虚假信息和伤害很可能注定要失败。最近的立法提案将无法实现其预期目标,但可能会导致创新和竞争受到影响。在面对Covid-19或“黑人的命也是命”等问题时,右翼和左翼都认为言论自由是可以协商的,甚至是可有可无的。在这种情况下,我们的政治精英通过主流媒体和社交媒体追求一种特定的叙事,并有效地“取消”那些表达反对意见甚至是轻微怀疑的人。政治正确的盛行情绪抑制了喜剧演员,让人们对自己或父母过去嘲笑的东西感到羞愧。虽然共识可能是必须对喜剧言论施加一些外部限制,但我们不能假设那些监督这种言论的人会合理行事。一个健康的社会需要能够自嘲,即使它偶尔会伤人。一个被忽视的关注领域是“商业言论自由”——广告商能说什么,不能说什么。英国的广告在世界范围内广受赞誉,是主要的出口收入来源。但它越来越受到政府禁令和广告标准局(Advertising Standards Authority)的限制。广告标准局是一个不具代表性的机构,它提倡一种社会工程形式,并呼吁对政治言论进行监管。宗教自由的某些方面正受到威胁。公共空间保护令和社区保护通告已被激活,以防止基督教活动人士在反堕胎示威活动中分发传单、举着标语牌甚至默默祈祷。让基督徒改宗也因涉嫌仇恨犯罪而受到调查,而一些人则因坚持基督教价值观而失去工作。穆斯林也特别容易受到反极端主义政策的威胁。与其他组织一样,大学有权禁止某些类型的言论和行为,并对员工施加合同义务。然而,最近高等教育中对言论自由的挑战是一个令人担忧的现象,这些挑战通常是由激进的学生要求压制思想,“禁止平台”和制裁或解雇员工所驱动的。问题的一个主要部分是高等教育机构缺乏多样性。工会,在过去是言论自由最强烈的支持者之一,已经远离了这一点,而是专注于“治疗”的角色,这要求他们保护成员免受言论威胁伤害或模糊定义的“冒犯”。“冒犯”确实被广泛接受为限制言论的理由。人们可能会觉得被冒犯了,但没有受到明显的冒犯,甚至那些被冒犯的人也可能没有受到有意义的伤害。虽然人们可以为言论自由造成的伤害得到补偿,但没有办法为剥夺言论自由的人提供补偿。无论如何,纯粹从务实的角度来看,允许对严重分歧进行激烈辩论,而不是压制,几乎总是最好的。
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