{"title":"Building Coalitions Out of Thin Air: Transferable Development Rights and “Constituency Effects” in Land Use Law","authors":"R. Hills,, David Schleicher","doi":"10.1093/jla/laz008","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Transferable Development Rights (TDRs) were supposed to be a solution to the intractable problems of land use, a bit of institutional design magic that married the interests of development and preservation at no cost to taxpayers and with no legal risk. Under a TDR program, development is limited or barred on properties targeted for preservation or other regulatory goals, but owners of those lots are allowed sell their unused development rights to other property owners. In theory, this allows the same amount of development to occur while preserving favored uses without tax subsidies or constitutional challenges. Reviewing their use over the last forty years, this Article shows that the traditional justifications for TDRs do not work. In practice, TDRs are not necessary to avoid takings litigation, are not costless to taxpayers, and do not balance the interests of preservation and development, but instead serve as yet another growth control in metropolitan areas where such controls have caused housing crises and major harms to the national economy. Assessed as a technocratic tool for solving problems in land use, TDRs are a failure. But this Article shows that there is a case for TDRs not as a technocratic but rather as a political tool. By giving valuable development rights to some popular or otherwise politically influential owners of regulated property, a city can build a coalition for re-zonings that might otherwise be politically impossible. The effect of TDRs on politics can be positive to the extent that TDRs strengthen constituencies or land use goals that local politics systematically undercounts, as we show through an analysis of New York City’s Special District Transfer TDR program. In particular, TDRs could help break Not In My Back Yard opposition to new development by building a competing pro-growth coalition. More generally, using TDRs as an example, the Article shows how land use law is the creator as well as creature of local politics. Existing property law helps cement anti-development coalitions, but savvy leaders could use moments in power to create stable pro-growth coalitions by enacting new laws that help mobilize new pro-growth constituencies. Understanding these “constituency effects” of land use law allows policymakers to redesign entitlements like TDRs to produce a healthier land use policies.","PeriodicalId":45189,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Legal Analysis","volume":"65 1","pages":"79-135"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0000,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Legal Analysis","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jla/laz008","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"LAW","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Abstract
Transferable Development Rights (TDRs) were supposed to be a solution to the intractable problems of land use, a bit of institutional design magic that married the interests of development and preservation at no cost to taxpayers and with no legal risk. Under a TDR program, development is limited or barred on properties targeted for preservation or other regulatory goals, but owners of those lots are allowed sell their unused development rights to other property owners. In theory, this allows the same amount of development to occur while preserving favored uses without tax subsidies or constitutional challenges. Reviewing their use over the last forty years, this Article shows that the traditional justifications for TDRs do not work. In practice, TDRs are not necessary to avoid takings litigation, are not costless to taxpayers, and do not balance the interests of preservation and development, but instead serve as yet another growth control in metropolitan areas where such controls have caused housing crises and major harms to the national economy. Assessed as a technocratic tool for solving problems in land use, TDRs are a failure. But this Article shows that there is a case for TDRs not as a technocratic but rather as a political tool. By giving valuable development rights to some popular or otherwise politically influential owners of regulated property, a city can build a coalition for re-zonings that might otherwise be politically impossible. The effect of TDRs on politics can be positive to the extent that TDRs strengthen constituencies or land use goals that local politics systematically undercounts, as we show through an analysis of New York City’s Special District Transfer TDR program. In particular, TDRs could help break Not In My Back Yard opposition to new development by building a competing pro-growth coalition. More generally, using TDRs as an example, the Article shows how land use law is the creator as well as creature of local politics. Existing property law helps cement anti-development coalitions, but savvy leaders could use moments in power to create stable pro-growth coalitions by enacting new laws that help mobilize new pro-growth constituencies. Understanding these “constituency effects” of land use law allows policymakers to redesign entitlements like TDRs to produce a healthier land use policies.
可转让发展权(tdr)被认为是解决棘手的土地使用问题的一种方法,是一种制度设计的魔法,它将发展和保护的利益结合在一起,不需要纳税人付出代价,也没有法律风险。根据TDR计划,为保护或其他监管目标而开发的物业受到限制或禁止,但这些地块的所有者可以将其未使用的开发权出售给其他业主。理论上,这允许在保留有利用途的同时进行同等数量的开发,而无需税收补贴或宪法挑战。本文回顾了过去四十年来tdr的使用情况,表明传统的tdr理由并不成立。在实践中,tdr并不是避免征收诉讼的必要条件,对纳税人来说也不是没有成本的,也没有平衡保护和发展的利益,而是在大都市地区作为另一种增长控制手段,这种控制已经造成了住房危机,并对国民经济造成了重大损害。作为解决土地使用问题的技术官僚工具,tdr是失败的。但这篇文章表明,tdr不是作为一种技术官僚,而是作为一种政治工具。通过将宝贵的开发权给予受监管房产的一些受欢迎的或在政治上有影响力的所有者,一个城市可以建立一个联盟来重新划分区域,否则这在政治上是不可能的。正如我们通过对纽约市特区转移TDR计划的分析所显示的那样,TDR对政治的影响可以是积极的,因为TDR加强了地方政治系统低估的选区或土地使用目标。特别是,tdr可以通过建立一个与之竞争的支持增长的联盟,帮助打破反对新开发的“不要在我的后院”(Not In My backyard)。更一般地说,本文以tdr为例,说明土地使用法既是地方政治的创造者,又是地方政治的创造者。现有的物权法有助于巩固反发展联盟,但精明的领导人可以利用掌权的时机,通过颁布新的法律,帮助动员新的支持增长的选民,来建立稳定的支持增长的联盟。理解了土地使用法的这些“选民效应”,政策制定者就可以重新设计像tdr这样的权利,从而制定更健康的土地使用政策。