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Remedies in the officer removal cases 官员解职案件的补救措施
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2025-11-24 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laaf012
Samuel L Bray
When an officer challenges her removal by the president, what relief is available? This article shows that the appropriate remedy will typically be a declaratory judgment. The interim relief question is harder. The suggestion here is that if an officer sues immediately to challenge her removal, there should be a presumption that the federal courts will prevent her removal during the pendency of the litigation. Otherwise, the presumption should be against interim relief. This approach is grounded in the principles of equity, and it prevents “flipping” back and forth in who occupies the office during the litigation.
当一名官员质疑总统对她的免职时,有什么救济措施?本文表明,适当的补救措施通常是宣告性判决。临时救济的问题更难解决。这里的建议是,如果一名官员立即起诉质疑她的免职,那么应该有一个假设,即联邦法院将在诉讼未决期间阻止她的免职。否则,推定应反对临时救济。这种做法以公平原则为基础,防止在诉讼过程中谁占据办公室的“翻转”。
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引用次数: 0
Safety score liability 安全评分责任
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2025-10-07 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laaf010
Omri Ben-Shahar
Data technology is increasingly deployed to assign safety scores to people and products. Could these scores be used to apportion liability for accidents? Instead of liability based on ad-hoc care level (the negligence rule), “safety score liability” imposes liability commensurate with the habitual propensity to behave unsafely. This article describes how such a regime works, the incentives it creates, and the barriers it faces. It demonstrates its application to the most common torts—auto accidents. Safety score liability offers a novel foundation for the notion of fault in tort law, with surprisingly strong incentives for care, and an effective scheme for compensating victims.
数据技术越来越多地被用于为人和产品分配安全分数。这些分数可以用来分摊事故责任吗?“安全得分责任”规定了与不安全行为的习惯性倾向相称的责任,而不是基于特别护理水平(疏忽规则)的责任。本文描述了这种机制是如何运作的,它所创造的激励以及它所面临的障碍。它展示了它在最常见的侵权行为——汽车事故中的应用。安全得分责任为侵权法中的过错概念提供了一个新的基础,它具有令人惊讶的强烈的护理动机,并为赔偿受害者提供了一个有效的方案。
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引用次数: 0
Getting to yes: the role of coercion in debt renegotiations 同意:强制在债务重新谈判中的作用
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2025-09-24 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laaf009
Vincent S J Buccola, Marcel Kahan
This article develops a comprehensive account of the methods of consent solicitation broadly construed. We offer four principal contributions. First, we identify the features of a solicitation that can produce coercive intercreditor dynamics. Second, we document the possibility of coercive methods under standard bond and loan contracts. Third, we show that economic considerations can justify coercion. Fourth, we conclude that the most coercive prevailing techniques cannot be so easily justified and propose an approach to construing debt contracts that would restrain what are likely the most value-destructive solicitation methods without condemning longstanding and plausibly value-enhancing techniques.
本文从广义上阐述了征求同意的方法。我们提供四种主要贡献。首先,我们确定了可以产生强制债权人间动态的恳求的特征。其次,我们记录了在标准债券和贷款合同下强制方法的可能性。第三,我们表明经济考虑可以证明强制是正当的。第四,我们得出的结论是,最具强制性的主流技术不可能如此容易地被证明是合理的,并提出了一种构建债务合同的方法,该方法将限制可能最具价值破坏性的恳求方法,而不会谴责长期存在且看似提高价值的技术。
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引用次数: 0
What is the harm in (partisan) gerrymandering? Collective vs. dyadic accounts of representational disparities (党派)不公正地划分选区有什么害处?代表性差异的集体vs.二元叙述
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2025-09-19 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laaf006
Sanford C Gordon, Douglas M Spencer, Sidak Yntiso
Traditional approaches for documenting the harm of gerrymandering emphasize collective representation by legislatures, minimizing the relationship between individual voters and their respective representatives. Federal courts have struggled to map collective accounts onto cognizable constitutional harms, reflecting a discomfort evaluating a system of representation inescapably rooted in geographic districts using diagnostics that treat districts and their boundaries as an inconvenience rather than an intrinsic feature. A normative account of representation and accountability rooted in the dyadic relationship between voters and their legislators addresses the exact harms that courts have articulated yet struggled to substantiate. We derive a formal model of dyadic representation that yields a measure of disparities among different voters, including those divided by partisanship. We then compare enacted plans in four states against two million simulated counterfactuals, demonstrating how conclusions about the harms from gerrymandering may be highly sensitive to political factors such as polarization and officeholder motivation.
记录不公正划分选区的危害的传统方法强调立法机关的集体代表权,尽量减少个别选民与其各自代表之间的关系。联邦法院一直在努力将集体解释映射到可识别的宪法危害上,这反映了一种不适,即使用诊断方法来评估不可避免地植根于地理区域的代表制,这种诊断方法将地区及其边界视为一种不便,而不是一种内在特征。对代表权和问责制的规范解释根植于选民和立法者之间的二元关系,解决了法院已经明确表达但难以证实的确切危害。我们推导了一个二元代表的正式模型,该模型产生了不同选民之间的差异,包括那些被党派划分的选民。然后,我们将四个州制定的计划与200万个模拟的反事实进行比较,证明关于不公正划分选区的危害的结论可能对两极分化和公职人员动机等政治因素高度敏感。
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引用次数: 0
The Pervasive Influence of Political Composition on Circuit Court Decisions 政治构成对巡回法院判决的普遍影响
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2025-07-23 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laaf004
Alma Cohen
Using a novel dataset of about 640,000 circuit court decisions from 1985 to 2020, I show that panel political composition is associated with case outcomes in a vastly broader array of federal circuit court cases—representing together about 90% of all cases—than prior work has appreciated. In cases between parties that could be perceived to have unequal power, Democratic-nominated judges tend to have a “Pro-Weak” tendency to side with the seemingly weaker party. In cases without perceived power inequality, Democratic-nominated judges tend to have a “Less-Deference” tendency to be more willing to reverse lower court decision.
我使用了一个从1985年到2020年的大约64万个巡回法院判决的新数据集,我表明,在更广泛的联邦巡回法院案件中,陪审团的政治构成与案件结果有关,这些案件占所有案件的90%左右,这比之前的工作所认识到的要广泛得多。在可能被视为权力不平等的两党之间的案件中,民主党提名的法官往往有“亲弱”倾向,站在看似较弱的一方。在没有察觉到权力不平等的案件中,民主党提名的法官往往有一种“不那么顺从”的倾向,即更愿意推翻下级法院的判决。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic Incentives for Adopting the Global Minimum Tax 采用全球最低税额的战略激励措施
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-12-13 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laae008
Wei Cui
The USA, alongside many other nations, presently faces a vital policy choice: should it adopt the global minimum tax proposed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, purportedly to ensure basic levels of corporate taxation of large multinationals? I set out a framework for analyzing and predicting global minimum tax adoption by self-interested, national-income-maximizing governments. Contrary to both popular and prior scholarly claims, the global minimum tax is incentive incompatible: countries from which multinationals originate will likely suffer deep losses; the tax’s purported enforcement tool, even read in an aggressive, controversial fashion, is ineffective. The global minimum tax may unravel despite initial adoption. (JEL codes: F23, F55, H25, H73, H87, K34).
与许多其他国家一样,美国目前面临着一个至关重要的政策选择:它是否应该采用经济合作与发展组织(Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development)提出的全球最低税率,据称这是为了确保大型跨国公司的基本企业税水平?我建立了一个框架,用于分析和预测利己的、追求国民收入最大化的政府采用的全球最低税率。与流行的和先前的学术主张相反,全球最低税与激励不相容:跨国公司的原籍国可能会遭受重大损失;所谓的税收执行工具,即使以一种激进的、有争议的方式来解读,也是无效的。尽管最初采用了全球最低税,但它可能会瓦解。(JEL代码:F23、F55、H25、H73、H87、K34)。
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引用次数: 0
The Limits of Formalism in the Separation of Powers 分权中形式主义的局限性
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-11-16 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laae007
Shalev Gad Roisman
Formalism is the dominant mode of separation of powers analysis on the Supreme Court and one of two paradigmatic approaches in the academy. It seeks to resolve disputes between Congress and the President by asking which branch has exclusive power over the relevant matter. This method is thought to work because, if one branch has exclusive power over the matter, then, by definition, the other branch does not. Although this method is coherent and workable in some relatively straightforward cases, it is of no use in areas where both branches’ “exclusive” powers overlap—as formalists routinely concede is possible. This is a major problem because almost all the disputes that actually arise today involve areas of overlapping power. In such cases, both branches have relevant power to act and come into conflict. This Article argues that separation of powers formalism has never built—and can never build—a coherent method that tells us which branch to prioritize in such instances. These are the limits of formalism in the separation of powers. Formalism might help us understand some uncontroversial separation of powers questions, but it cannot resolve the disputes that actually matter today.
形式主义是最高法院三权分立分析的主要模式,也是学术界两种典型方法之一。它试图通过询问哪个部门对相关事项拥有专属权力来解决国会与总统之间的争议。这种方法被认为行之有效,因为如果一个部门对相关事项拥有专属权,那么根据定义,另一个部门就没有专属权。虽然这种方法在一些相对简单的情况下是连贯和可行的,但在两个部门的 "专属 "权力重叠的领域却毫无用处--形式主义者通常承认这是可能的。这是一个大问题,因为当今实际出现的几乎所有争端都涉及权力重叠的领域。在这种情况下,两个部门都有相关的行动权,并发生冲突。本文认为,三权分立的形式主义从未建立--也不可能建立--一种连贯的方法,告诉我们在这种情况下应优先考虑哪个部门。这就是形式主义在三权分立中的局限。形式主义可能会帮助我们理解一些没有争议的分权问题,但它无法解决当今实际重要的争端。
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引用次数: 0
Putting Freedom of Contract in its Place 为契约自由正名
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-07-30 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laae004
Rebecca Stone
I develop a novel, rights-based conception of contract—the “democratic conception”—that can deliver a justification for granting a sphere of freedom to contracting parties while setting principled limits on that grant. It justifies doctrines—including the penalty doctrine, the doctrine of substantial performance, a robust doctrine of changed circumstances, and a robust doctrine of unconscionability—that an influential group of contract theorists argue set unprincipled limits on the parties’ equal procedural freedom. My account shows how these doctrines can be rendered compatible with a robust principle of freedom of contract that is grounded in the parties’ rights.
我提出了一种新颖的、以权利为基础的合同概念--"民主概念"--它可以为授予合同当事人一定范围的自由提供理由,同时对这种授予设定原则性的限制。它为各种理论--包括惩罚理论、实质性履行理论、强有力的情势变更理论和强有力的不合情理理论--提供了正当理由,而这些理论被一群有影响力的契约理论家认为对当事人的平等程序自由设置了无原则的限制。我的论述说明了如何使这些理论与以当事人权利为基础的强有力的契约自由原则相容。
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引用次数: 0
Large Legal Fictions: Profiling Legal Hallucinations in Large Language Models 大型法律虚构:剖析大型语言模型中的法律幻觉
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-06-26 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laae003
Matthew Dahl, Varun Magesh, Mirac Suzgun, Daniel E Ho
Do large language models (LLMs) know the law? LLMs are increasingly being used to augment legal practice, education, and research, yet their revolutionary potential is threatened by the presence of “hallucinations”—textual output that is not consistent with legal facts. We present the first systematic evidence of these hallucinations in public-facing LLMs, documenting trends across jurisdictions, courts, time periods, and cases. Using OpenAI’s ChatGPT 4 and other public models, we show that LLMs hallucinate at least 58% of the time, struggle to predict their own hallucinations, and often uncritically accept users’ incorrect legal assumptions. We conclude by cautioning against the rapid and unsupervised integration of popular LLMs into legal tasks, and we develop a typology of legal hallucinations to guide future research in this area.
大型语言模型(LLMs)了解法律吗?大型语言模型正越来越多地被用于增强法律实践、教育和研究,然而其革命性潜力却受到了 "幻觉"--与法律事实不符的文本输出--的威胁。我们首次系统地展示了面向公众的法律硕士中的这些幻觉,并记录了不同司法管辖区、法院、时间段和案例的趋势。通过使用 OpenAI 的 ChatGPT 4 和其他公共模型,我们发现法律硕士至少有 58% 的时间会产生幻觉,他们难以预测自己的幻觉,并且经常不加批判地接受用户错误的法律假设。最后,我们告诫大家不要将流行的 LLM 快速、无监督地整合到法律任务中,我们还提出了一种法律幻觉类型学,以指导该领域的未来研究。
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引用次数: 0
How Election Rules Affect Who Wins 选举规则如何影响胜负
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-04-06 DOI: 10.1093/jla/laae001
Justin Grimmer, Eitan Hersh
Contemporary election reforms that are purported to increase or decrease turnout tend to have negligible effects on election outcomes. We offer an analytical framework to explain why. Contrary to heated political rhetoric, election policies have small effects on outcomes because they tend to target small shares of the electorate, have a small effect on turnout, and/or affect voters who are relatively balanced in their partisanship. After developing this framework, we address how the findings bear on minority voting rights. We then show that countermobilization from political parties cannot explain the small effects of election laws. We explain that even when a state passes multiple policies at the same time, the reforms will still only have a marginal effect on turnout and an ambiguous effect on who wins. Finally, we explain what policies should raise alarm about affecting outcomes.
声称会提高或降低投票率的当代选举改革对选举结果的影响往往微乎其微。我们提供了一个分析框架来解释原因。与激烈的政治言论相反,选举政策对选举结果的影响很小,因为它们往往针对的是小部分选民,对投票率的影响很小,和/或影响到党派立场相对均衡的选民。在建立了这一框架之后,我们讨论了研究结果对少数群体投票权的影响。然后,我们证明政党的反动员无法解释选举法的微小影响。我们解释说,即使一个州同时通过多项政策,改革对投票率的影响仍然微乎其微,对谁能获胜的影响也不明确。最后,我们解释了哪些政策应引起人们对选举结果影响的警惕。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Legal Analysis
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