International Solidarity in the Low Countries during the Twentieth Century. New Perspectives and Themes Ed. by Kim Christiaens, John Nieuwenhuys, and Charel Roemer. De Gruyter Oldenbourg, Berlin 2020. vii, 320 pp. Ill. € 104.95. (E-book: € 104.95.)

IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY International Review of Social History Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI:10.1017/S0020859023000172
Silke Neunsinger
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Abstract

and prices in the grain markets. Instead, the author seems content to point out how, in the first half of the sixteenth century, this type of insurgency increased in frequency and intensity compared to his previous late medieval survey. The arithmetic balance between convergences and differences from late medieval popular protests seems to favour the former (p. 177). Cities continued to be the main site of revolts, and their leaders continued to be from popular or at least nonaristocratic backgrounds. The goal of most of the protests was not religious but political: to obtain a hearing or even representation in order to influence the financial, economic, and management decisions of the city, with particular regard to the hegemonic role of the nobility, the management of taxes, and food resources. This was sometimes at the cost of invoking the intervention of foreign powers and the enemy. Women and the merchant class played a new and more important role there, and protests were more keenly felt and conducted with greater awareness and strategic capacity. Compared to the premodern model of popular protest drawn by academics, according to which popular uprisings before the nineteenth century were almost always caused by subsistence crises, had leaders who came from the upper classes, and resulted exclusively in failure, Cohn identifies a significantly higher degree of political awareness, strategic autonomy, and success. The author’s final chapter is likely to be the one most debated; it is one with which I substantially agree. The underlying instance of the popular protests in the halfcentury of the Italian wars reveals a perhaps only barely conscious demand for the enlargement of power, through which they revived “the ideals and democratic practices of the communal period”. The growth of aristocratic regimes in this period nullified any possibility of realizing such ideals, yet the ideas of broader political representativeness and the morality of social and political equality, thanks in part to these protests, continued to work their way deep into European societies. They were not an invention of the nineteenth century, and its antecedents should not be sought solely in the age of revolutions.
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还有粮食市场的价格。相反,作者似乎满足于指出,在16世纪上半叶,与他之前的中世纪晚期调查相比,这种类型的叛乱在频率和强度上是如何增加的。从中世纪晚期民众抗议的趋同与差异之间的算术平衡似乎倾向于前者(第177页)。城市仍然是起义的主要场所,他们的领导人仍然来自平民或至少是非贵族背景。大多数抗议活动的目的不是宗教,而是政治:获得听证甚至代表权,以便影响城市的金融、经济和管理决策,特别是关于贵族的霸权作用、税收管理和粮食资源。这有时是以援引外国势力和敌人的干预为代价的。妇女和商人阶级在那里发挥了新的和更重要的作用,抗议活动更加敏锐地感受到并以更大的意识和战略能力进行。学者们提出的前现代大众抗议模式认为,19世纪之前的民众起义几乎都是由生存危机引起的,领导人来自上层阶级,结果都是失败的。与此相比,科恩认为政治意识、战略自主和成功的程度要高得多。作者的最后一章可能是最有争议的一章;我基本上同意这个观点。在半个世纪的意大利战争中,民众抗议的潜在实例揭示了一种可能几乎没有意识到的扩大权力的要求,通过这种要求,他们恢复了“公共时期的理想和民主实践”。在这一时期,贵族政权的发展使实现这些理想的可能性化为乌有,然而,更广泛的政治代表性以及社会和政治平等的道德观念,在一定程度上要归功于这些抗议,继续深入欧洲社会。它们不是19世纪的发明,也不应该只在革命时代去寻找它们的先例。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.10
自引率
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发文量
68
期刊介绍: International Review of Social History, is one of the leading journals in its field. Truly global in its scope, it focuses on research in social and labour history from a comparative and transnational perspective, both in the modern and in the early modern period, and across periods. The journal combines quality, depth and originality of its articles with an open eye for theoretical innovation and new insights and methods from within its field and from contiguous disciplines. Besides research articles, it features surveys of new themes and subject fields, a suggestions and debates section, review essays and book reviews. It is esteemed for its annotated bibliography of social history titles, and also publishes an annual supplement of specially commissioned essays on a current theme.
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