The Four Faces of Authoritarian Populism and Their Consequences on Journalistic Freedom: A Lesson Learnt From Indonesia's 2019 Presidential Election

Nyarwi Ahmad
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Abstract This article explores authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies that political elites who ran in the election advanced and their consequences on journalistic freedom in an emerging democracy. It focuses on Indonesia's democracy and examines the following questions: what types of authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies did Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subijanto adopt when contesting Indonesia's 2019 presidential election? To what degree did these adaptations impact the journalistic freedom of those who worked for Indonesian mainstream media, particularly Indonesian private TV news channels? In-depth interviews with four senior journalists associated with Indonesian TV news channels (Kompas TV, CNN Indonesia, TV One, and INews TV) and two senior journalists working for mainstream media owned by influential Indonesian oligarchs used qualitative and thematic content analyses to reveal the following findings. Jokowi and Prabowo adopted secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation during the election. However, Prabowo developed Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation far more than Jokowi. Jokowi advanced an oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy, while Prabowo established an intensive Islamic anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategy. As authoritarian populist mobilisation and media strategies evolved during their campaigns, the journalistic freedom of those associated with Indonesian mainstream media declined substantially. This article introduces four faces of authoritarian populism — secular nationalist and Islamic authoritarian populist mobilisation and oligarchic and anti-oligarchic authoritarian populist media strategies — as new concepts enriching political elites’ authoritarian populism literature.
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威权民粹主义的四种面貌及其对新闻自由的影响:从2019年印尼总统选举中吸取的教训
本文探讨了在一个新兴民主国家中,参与选举的政治精英所推行的威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略,以及这些策略对新闻自由的影响。它侧重于印度尼西亚的民主,并研究了以下问题:佐科·维多多(Joko Widodo)和普拉博沃·苏比扬托(Prabowo Subijanto)在参加印度尼西亚2019年总统选举时采用了何种类型的威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略?这些改编在多大程度上影响了那些为印尼主流媒体工作的人的新闻自由,特别是印尼私人电视新闻频道?深入采访了印尼电视新闻频道(Kompas TV、CNN Indonesia、TV One和INews TV)的四名资深记者,以及为印尼有影响力的寡头拥有的主流媒体工作的两名资深记者,使用定性和主题内容分析揭示了以下发现。佐科威和普拉博沃在选举期间采取了世俗民族主义和伊斯兰威权主义的民粹主义动员。然而,普拉博沃发展的伊斯兰威权民粹主义动员远远超过佐科维。佐科维提出了寡头专制的民粹主义媒体战略,而普拉博沃则建立了密集的伊斯兰反寡头专制的民粹主义媒体战略。随着威权民粹主义动员和媒体策略在竞选期间的演变,与印尼主流媒体有联系的人的新闻自由大幅下降。本文介绍了威权民粹主义的四个方面——世俗民族主义和伊斯兰威权民粹主义动员、寡头和反寡头威权民粹主义媒体战略——作为丰富政治精英威权民粹主义文学的新概念。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
13
期刊介绍: TRaNS approaches the study of Southeast Asia by looking at the region as a place that is defined by its diverse and rapidly-changing social context, and as a place that challenges scholars to move beyond conventional ideas of borders and boundedness. TRaNS invites studies of broadly defined trans-national, trans-regional and comparative perspectives. Case studies spanning more than two countries of Southeast Asia and its neighbouring countries/regions are particularly welcomed.
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