THE NEOLIBERAL IDEOLOGY, ITS CONTRADICTIONS, THE CONSEQUENCES AND CHALLENGES FOR SOCIAL WORK

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIAL WORK Ljetopis Socijalnog Rada Pub Date : 2018-07-20 DOI:10.3935/LJSR.V25I1.196
C. Stark
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Additionally, the article will describe the consequences for social policy and social work, which include the reduction of the welfare state and a development that can be outlined with the following key terms: economization of social work, work-fare instead of welfare. Finally the article will describe the reaction of social work on this development. Some necessary anti-strategies will also be discussed. 1 Professor Christian Stark, Ph.D., social worker, e-mail: christian.stark@fh-linz.at Ljetopis socijalnog rada 2018., 25 (1), 39-63. 40 articles INTRODUCTION Since the fall of the Iron Curtain and against the background of a dominant neoliberal ideology, the market has increasingly become the organizational principle for governments and societies. In this context, even social work has been economized and subjected to the logic of market and profit. This is connected to strengthened methods and concepts of business management – the idea of running social work as a private business has made its entry into the field with promises of more effectiveness and efficiency and a more visible improvement of quality in social work. In the analysis of the economic processes within the social work profession since the 1990s, too little attention has been paid to the fact that the focus of efforts is not the wellbeing of the client or an improvement in the quality of the social work, but rather the preservation of resources. The economization of social work is a kind of Trojan horse. Professional social work has been made to follow objectives inimical to the profession: cost saving instead of providing help by promoting conditions of life conducive to the welfare of human beings. Strict housekeeping and costs not a professional diagnosis predominantly determine what is considered to be useful, efficient and feasible; as a rule, making successful savings is placed above success in providing help. In a hermeneutic and descriptive analysis this article highlights the influence of neoliberalism on social work and describes how social workers are reacting to this process. THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL IMPLEMENTATION OF NEOLIBERALISM The term neoliberalism often serves as a political catchphrase with different meanings such as an ideological movement, the imperialist expansion of the U.S. or the general trend towards the economization of society. Neoliberalism means literally a new liberalism. The old economic liberalism emerged in the Anglo-Saxon countries towards the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. It acquired its theoretical foundation and made its breakthrough with Adam Smith and his book »An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations«. Smith enhanced the abolition of government intervention in economic matters and free market as the best way for a nation’s economy to develop. Smith’s central thesis is that the engine of all economic activities is the self-interest of human beings. The principle of supply and demand and the so-called invisible hand of the market are the regulatory principles which lead to success and wealth (Smith, 1976). This is the reference frame for neoliberalism. In demarcation to this old liberalism C. Stark: The neoliberal ideology, its contradictions, the consequences and challenges for social... articles 41 neoliberal economists criticize the deficient institutional protection and framing of the free market by the state and transform market economy to a market society. The Great Depression of 1929 and the following world economic crises in the 1930s marked the end of the liberal era. Considering the crisis, the idea of self-regulation of the market was not to be upheld. In 1936, John Maynard Keynes in his »General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money« designed a theory that challenged liberalism as the best economic policy. Keynes stated that the deficits of capitalism were in the inability of the market to set up an effective production and distribution system which would ensure security for the entire population. In view of this inability, complementary intervention in the market by the state was necessary (Wilke, 2002: 30-126). Keynes’ theory gave a new direction to economic policy over the next 30 years and became famous as Keynesianism. This fundamental defeat of the economic liberalism simultaneously marked the birth of neoliberalism as a counter-movement to Keynesianism. As a reaction to the growing Keynesianism, market-radical economists formed an international movement. The birth hour was an international conference in Paris 1938 organized by Walter Lippmann: the so-called »Walter Lippmann Colloquium«. It was the first international meeting of market-radical economists and gathered the most prominent of them, such as Friedrich A. von Hayek, Ludwig Mises, Wilhelm Röpke and Walter Eucken. It was there that the term neoliberalism was coined and neoliberalism, formally designed as an economic policy counter-concept to Keynesianism (Hennecke, 2000: 137-139; Harvey, 2007: 16-21). After World War II, in 1948, the Mont-Pelerin-Society was founded under Hayek ́s direction to establish an international network of foundations, institutes, research centers, journals and public-relations-agencies to support and spread neoliberal thinking. The Mont-Pelerin-Society became the most important network with currently 1000 members and 100 networked think tanks. Its scientific breakthrough succeeded with a series of awards of the Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences for neoliberal economists (e.g. Friedrich A. v. Hayek 1974 and M. Friedman 1976). With the writings of Hayek and Friedman and the lobbying activities of the think tanks, the neoliberal doctrine became more and more dominant at universities, occupied the Economic Sciences and influenced more and more experts. It permeated the structures of institutes, corporations, international organizations and governments and thereby received definitive power. Its most crucial political establishment succeeded in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the decisive factor being the economic crisis of 1973, which signified the end of economic growth and gave neoliberal thinkers the possibility to accuse state economic policy for economic failure. The first experimental field for neoliberal economic policy was Chile after the CIA-supported coup against the popularly elected Allende regime in 1973. Since Ljetopis socijalnog rada 2018., 25 (1), 39-63. 42 articles 1975 the representatives of the Chicago School under the direction of Milton Friedman have subjected Chile to a neoliberal restructuring, starting with the support of the military regime of Pinochet. Under Prime Minister Margret Thatcher in 1979 and the presidency of Ronald Reagan in 1980, the political implementation moved from the periphery to the center. People started to speak about Reaganomics and Thatcherism. With the dismantling of the Iron Curtain and the end of communism in the Soviet Union in 1989, neoliberalism became the predominant economic doctrine – so much so that Margret Thatcher stated, »There is no alternative« – this was later called the TINA-Syndrome. The main measures of the governments were privatization of public institutions, tax incentives for corporations, cutbacks in social benefits and the busting of trade unions (Harvey, 2007: 25; 32-42). Another important step was the end of the Bretton Woods system: the end of reined in currency exchange rates with the US dollar as a base and the tie of the currency to the gold standard. This meant the sweeping deregulation and globalization of the finance market in the 1990s and led to the so-called Casino-capitalism. THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE NEOLIBERAL DOCTRINE Neoliberalism is an economic policy concept. It is an ensemble of economic theories, state policies and concern strategies. There is no cohesive neoliberal theory. There are different academic streams such as the Austrian School with its main representatives Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich A. Hayek, the monetarism of the Chicago School around Milton Friedman, the rational choice approach of Gary Becker or the public choice approach of James Buchanan (Butterwegge, Lösch and Ptak, 2008: 24-26). All of them share the aspects that are going to be presented. Universal claim: Market society The claim of neoliberalism is universal. The market serves as a universal model of organization and all areas of life are subjected to the logic of the market: the market economy turns any given society into a market society. There must be nothing which is not regulated by market logic. Altvater (1981: 15) refers to the imperialism of the economy. The ultimate goal of neoliberalism is a human society in which every action between human beings is a market transaction, conducted in competition with other human beings. Therefore, the market metaphor is applied to regions, nations, cities and individuals. They are seen as business firms positioning C. Stark: The neoliberal ideology, its contradictions, the consequences and challenges for social... articles 43 themselves as possible investments in a national and global marketplace. 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引用次数: 19

Abstract

The article shows the influence of neoliberalism on social work and tries to give answers following the International Federation of Social Work (IFSW) Code of Ethics (4.2.4 social justice Challenging unjust policies and practices). Neoliberalism can be described as an economic-political project of capitalist elites which involves the following: economization of all areas of life, privatization, economic globalization and deregulation. The article will give a short historical overview of the development of neoliberalism, the myths and tenets of the new neoliberal ideology and the »manufacturing of consent« (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). Additionally, the article will describe the consequences for social policy and social work, which include the reduction of the welfare state and a development that can be outlined with the following key terms: economization of social work, work-fare instead of welfare. Finally the article will describe the reaction of social work on this development. Some necessary anti-strategies will also be discussed. 1 Professor Christian Stark, Ph.D., social worker, e-mail: christian.stark@fh-linz.at Ljetopis socijalnog rada 2018., 25 (1), 39-63. 40 articles INTRODUCTION Since the fall of the Iron Curtain and against the background of a dominant neoliberal ideology, the market has increasingly become the organizational principle for governments and societies. In this context, even social work has been economized and subjected to the logic of market and profit. This is connected to strengthened methods and concepts of business management – the idea of running social work as a private business has made its entry into the field with promises of more effectiveness and efficiency and a more visible improvement of quality in social work. In the analysis of the economic processes within the social work profession since the 1990s, too little attention has been paid to the fact that the focus of efforts is not the wellbeing of the client or an improvement in the quality of the social work, but rather the preservation of resources. The economization of social work is a kind of Trojan horse. Professional social work has been made to follow objectives inimical to the profession: cost saving instead of providing help by promoting conditions of life conducive to the welfare of human beings. Strict housekeeping and costs not a professional diagnosis predominantly determine what is considered to be useful, efficient and feasible; as a rule, making successful savings is placed above success in providing help. In a hermeneutic and descriptive analysis this article highlights the influence of neoliberalism on social work and describes how social workers are reacting to this process. THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL IMPLEMENTATION OF NEOLIBERALISM The term neoliberalism often serves as a political catchphrase with different meanings such as an ideological movement, the imperialist expansion of the U.S. or the general trend towards the economization of society. Neoliberalism means literally a new liberalism. The old economic liberalism emerged in the Anglo-Saxon countries towards the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. It acquired its theoretical foundation and made its breakthrough with Adam Smith and his book »An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations«. Smith enhanced the abolition of government intervention in economic matters and free market as the best way for a nation’s economy to develop. Smith’s central thesis is that the engine of all economic activities is the self-interest of human beings. The principle of supply and demand and the so-called invisible hand of the market are the regulatory principles which lead to success and wealth (Smith, 1976). This is the reference frame for neoliberalism. In demarcation to this old liberalism C. Stark: The neoliberal ideology, its contradictions, the consequences and challenges for social... articles 41 neoliberal economists criticize the deficient institutional protection and framing of the free market by the state and transform market economy to a market society. The Great Depression of 1929 and the following world economic crises in the 1930s marked the end of the liberal era. Considering the crisis, the idea of self-regulation of the market was not to be upheld. In 1936, John Maynard Keynes in his »General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money« designed a theory that challenged liberalism as the best economic policy. Keynes stated that the deficits of capitalism were in the inability of the market to set up an effective production and distribution system which would ensure security for the entire population. In view of this inability, complementary intervention in the market by the state was necessary (Wilke, 2002: 30-126). Keynes’ theory gave a new direction to economic policy over the next 30 years and became famous as Keynesianism. This fundamental defeat of the economic liberalism simultaneously marked the birth of neoliberalism as a counter-movement to Keynesianism. As a reaction to the growing Keynesianism, market-radical economists formed an international movement. The birth hour was an international conference in Paris 1938 organized by Walter Lippmann: the so-called »Walter Lippmann Colloquium«. It was the first international meeting of market-radical economists and gathered the most prominent of them, such as Friedrich A. von Hayek, Ludwig Mises, Wilhelm Röpke and Walter Eucken. It was there that the term neoliberalism was coined and neoliberalism, formally designed as an economic policy counter-concept to Keynesianism (Hennecke, 2000: 137-139; Harvey, 2007: 16-21). After World War II, in 1948, the Mont-Pelerin-Society was founded under Hayek ́s direction to establish an international network of foundations, institutes, research centers, journals and public-relations-agencies to support and spread neoliberal thinking. The Mont-Pelerin-Society became the most important network with currently 1000 members and 100 networked think tanks. Its scientific breakthrough succeeded with a series of awards of the Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences for neoliberal economists (e.g. Friedrich A. v. Hayek 1974 and M. Friedman 1976). With the writings of Hayek and Friedman and the lobbying activities of the think tanks, the neoliberal doctrine became more and more dominant at universities, occupied the Economic Sciences and influenced more and more experts. It permeated the structures of institutes, corporations, international organizations and governments and thereby received definitive power. Its most crucial political establishment succeeded in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the decisive factor being the economic crisis of 1973, which signified the end of economic growth and gave neoliberal thinkers the possibility to accuse state economic policy for economic failure. The first experimental field for neoliberal economic policy was Chile after the CIA-supported coup against the popularly elected Allende regime in 1973. Since Ljetopis socijalnog rada 2018., 25 (1), 39-63. 42 articles 1975 the representatives of the Chicago School under the direction of Milton Friedman have subjected Chile to a neoliberal restructuring, starting with the support of the military regime of Pinochet. Under Prime Minister Margret Thatcher in 1979 and the presidency of Ronald Reagan in 1980, the political implementation moved from the periphery to the center. People started to speak about Reaganomics and Thatcherism. With the dismantling of the Iron Curtain and the end of communism in the Soviet Union in 1989, neoliberalism became the predominant economic doctrine – so much so that Margret Thatcher stated, »There is no alternative« – this was later called the TINA-Syndrome. The main measures of the governments were privatization of public institutions, tax incentives for corporations, cutbacks in social benefits and the busting of trade unions (Harvey, 2007: 25; 32-42). Another important step was the end of the Bretton Woods system: the end of reined in currency exchange rates with the US dollar as a base and the tie of the currency to the gold standard. This meant the sweeping deregulation and globalization of the finance market in the 1990s and led to the so-called Casino-capitalism. THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE NEOLIBERAL DOCTRINE Neoliberalism is an economic policy concept. It is an ensemble of economic theories, state policies and concern strategies. There is no cohesive neoliberal theory. There are different academic streams such as the Austrian School with its main representatives Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich A. Hayek, the monetarism of the Chicago School around Milton Friedman, the rational choice approach of Gary Becker or the public choice approach of James Buchanan (Butterwegge, Lösch and Ptak, 2008: 24-26). All of them share the aspects that are going to be presented. Universal claim: Market society The claim of neoliberalism is universal. The market serves as a universal model of organization and all areas of life are subjected to the logic of the market: the market economy turns any given society into a market society. There must be nothing which is not regulated by market logic. Altvater (1981: 15) refers to the imperialism of the economy. The ultimate goal of neoliberalism is a human society in which every action between human beings is a market transaction, conducted in competition with other human beings. Therefore, the market metaphor is applied to regions, nations, cities and individuals. They are seen as business firms positioning C. Stark: The neoliberal ideology, its contradictions, the consequences and challenges for social... articles 43 themselves as possible investments in a national and global marketplace. From this point-of-view, the Deutschland GmbH competes with Great Britain Ltd, USA Inc., etc. On a personal level, the general neoliberal vision is that each human being is an entrepreneur managing their
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新自由主义意识形态,它的矛盾,对社会工作的后果和挑战
本文展示了新自由主义对社会工作的影响,并试图根据国际社会工作联合会(IFSW)的道德准则(4.2.4社会正义挑战不公正的政策和做法)给出答案。新自由主义可以被描述为资本主义精英的经济-政治项目,它涉及以下内容:生活所有领域的经济化,私有化,经济全球化和放松管制。本文将对新自由主义的发展、新自由主义意识形态的神话和信条以及“同意的制造”进行简短的历史概述(赫尔曼和乔姆斯基,1994)。此外,文章将描述社会政策和社会工作的后果,其中包括福利国家的减少和可以用以下关键术语概述的发展:社会工作的经济化,工作-票价而不是福利。最后,文章将描述社会工作对这一发展的反应。一些必要的反策略也将被讨论。1 Christian Stark教授,博士,社会工作者,e-mail: christian.stark@fh-linz.at Ljetopis socijalnog rada 2018。生态学报,25(1),39-63。自铁幕倒塌以来,在新自由主义意识形态占主导地位的背景下,市场日益成为政府和社会的组织原则。在这样的背景下,即使是社会工作也被经济化,服从于市场和利润的逻辑。这与企业管理方法和理念的加强有关——将社会工作作为私营企业经营的理念已经进入该领域,并承诺提高社会工作的有效性和效率,并使社会工作的质量得到更明显的改善。在分析20世纪90年代以来社会工作行业的经济过程中,人们很少注意到这样一个事实:努力的重点不是客户的福祉,也不是社会工作质量的提高,而是资源的保存。社会工作的经济化是一种特洛伊木马。专业的社会工作一直遵循对专业不利的目标:节省成本,而不是通过促进有利于人类福利的生活条件来提供帮助。严格的内务管理和费用,而不是专业的诊断,主要决定什么是有用的、有效的和可行的;作为一个规则,成功的储蓄比成功的提供帮助更重要。在解释学和描述性分析中,本文强调了新自由主义对社会工作的影响,并描述了社会工作者如何对这一过程做出反应。新自由主义的历史发展和政治实施新自由主义一词经常被用作政治口号,具有不同的含义,如意识形态运动,美国的帝国主义扩张或社会经济化的总趋势。新自由主义的字面意思是一种新的自由主义。旧经济自由主义出现在18世纪末19世纪初的盎格鲁-撒克逊国家。它获得了理论基础,并在亚当·斯密和他的著作《国民财富的性质和原因的研究》中取得了突破。斯密主张废除政府对经济事务的干预,并主张自由市场是国家经济发展的最佳途径。斯密的中心论点是,所有经济活动的引擎都是人类的自身利益。供求原则和所谓的市场看不见的手是导致成功和财富的监管原则(史密斯,1976)。这是新自由主义的参考框架。C. Stark:新自由主义意识形态,它的矛盾,对社会的后果和挑战……第41条新自由主义经济学家批评国家对自由市场缺乏制度保护和框架,将市场经济转变为市场社会。1929年的大萧条和随后在20世纪30年代发生的世界经济危机标志着自由主义时代的结束。考虑到这场危机,市场自我监管的想法不应该得到支持。1936年,约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯在他的《就业、利息和货币通论》中设计了一个理论,挑战自由主义作为最佳经济政策的地位。凯恩斯指出,资本主义的缺陷在于市场无法建立一个有效的生产和分配系统,以确保整个人口的安全。鉴于这种无能,国家对市场的补充性干预是必要的(Wilke, 2002: 30-126)。凯恩斯的理论为未来30年的经济政策指明了新的方向,并成为著名的凯恩斯主义。 在个人层面上,新自由主义的普遍观点是,每个人都是管理自己财富的企业家
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