Editors’ introduction

IF 1.3 0 RELIGION Religion State & Society Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI:10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898
Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, Marat S. Shterin
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The contributions to this issue of Religion, State & Society take us to a range of different contexts: Latin America, Russia, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. They explore seemingly disparate themes of the relationship between religion and state legislatures, political parties, movements, and cultural trends. However, for all their variety, these contributions ultimately address the perennial question of boundary-making – something that the social anthropologist Douglas ([1966] 2002) saw as a crucial element of human experience – which is key to understanding the social and political structures we create. Jakob Schwörer and Belén Fernández-García open this journal issue with the first largescale and systematic study of how Latin American political parties use religious content in their social media outreach. Schwörer and Fernández-García find that mentions of God, Christianity, and the church on Facebook are important for parties wishing to articulate a positive moral presence in society. Parties most typically do this to assert conservative moral boundaries that appeal to evangelical voters, though in a few cases religious language is used for signalling progressive views. Importantly, the authors uncover regional differences. The use of religiously inflected language and symbols is most prevalent among parties in Central America and Brazil where evangelicals are highly active and in Paraguay which has an ultraconservative political culture. Parties are less likely to reference religion on social media in other countries that are more secularised or where evangelicals are less important as a voting bloc. Pål Kolstø continues the theme of conservative moral boundaries in his article on advocacy of a total ban on women’s abortion rights by representatives and activists of the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate). He argues that this advocacy potentially puts the Church leadership on a collision course with the Putin regime, because the latter is aware that the majority of Russians do not support such a ban. While in the current situation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine any disharmony between the Moscow Patriarchate and Putin’s regime seems unlikely, the article raises interesting longerrange questions about the boundaries between ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which may be drawn differently and expediently, depending on the issue at hand. Focusing on Bangladesh, Jinat Hossain and Ishtiaq Jamil investigate gender-related political struggles over legislation on inheritance rights. Multiple actors involved in these political debates conceive of different boundary lines for defining gender relations. In particular, human rights organisations and international frameworks push towards gender-equal revisions of the law, whilst various domestic groups who advocate for Islamic or Hindu political visions urge retaining gender differences. Ironically, even though the two main prime ministerial rivals in Bangladesh for the past few decades are female, both have been hamstrung in any possible support of gender-equal policies because of their reliance upon political Islam to court voters. RELIGION, STATE & SOCIETY 2023, VOL. 51, NO. 2, 129–130 https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898
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编辑的介绍
本期《宗教、国家与社会》的投稿将我们带到了一系列不同的背景下:拉丁美洲、俄罗斯、孟加拉国和巴基斯坦。他们探讨了宗教与州立法机构、政党、运动和文化趋势之间关系的看似不同的主题。然而,尽管他们的贡献各不相同,但这些贡献最终解决了一个长期存在的问题,即边界的建立——社会人类学家道格拉斯([1966]2002)认为这是人类经验的一个关键因素——这是理解我们创造的社会和政治结构的关键。Jakob Schwörer和bel n Fernández-García在本期杂志中首次对拉丁美洲政党如何在其社交媒体宣传中使用宗教内容进行了大规模和系统的研究。Schwörer和Fernández-García发现,在Facebook上提到上帝、基督教和教会对于希望在社会中表达积极道德存在的政党很重要。政党通常这样做是为了维护保守的道德界限,以吸引福音派选民,尽管在少数情况下,宗教语言被用来表达进步的观点。重要的是,作者揭示了地区差异。在福音派非常活跃的中美洲和巴西,以及政治文化极端保守的巴拉圭,政党使用带有宗教色彩的语言和符号最为普遍。在其他更世俗化的国家,或者福音派作为一个投票群体不那么重要的国家,政党不太可能在社交媒体上提及宗教。paval Kolstø在他关于俄罗斯东正教(莫斯科宗主教区)的代表和活动人士倡导全面禁止妇女堕胎权利的文章中继续讨论保守道德界限的主题。他认为,这种主张可能会使教会领导层与普京政权发生冲突,因为后者意识到大多数俄罗斯人不支持这样的禁令。虽然在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的当前形势下,莫斯科宗主教区和普京政权之间似乎不太可能出现任何不和谐,但这篇文章提出了关于教会和世俗当局之间界限的有趣的长期问题,根据手头的问题,这可能会以不同的方式和权宜之计来划分。Jinat Hossain和Ishtiaq Jamil着眼于孟加拉国,调查了在继承权立法中与性别相关的政治斗争。参与这些政治辩论的多个行动者设想了定义性别关系的不同界线。特别是,人权组织和国际框架推动对法律进行性别平等的修订,而倡导伊斯兰教或印度教政治愿景的各种国内团体则敦促保留性别差异。具有讽刺意味的是,尽管过去几十年来孟加拉国的两位主要总理竞争对手都是女性,但由于她们依靠政治伊斯兰来讨好选民,因此在任何可能支持性别平等政策方面都受到了阻碍。《宗教、国家与社会》,第51卷,第2023期。2,129 - 130 https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2023.2207898
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.90
自引率
10.00%
发文量
28
期刊介绍: Religion, State & Society has a long-established reputation as the leading English-language academic publication focusing on communist and formerly communist countries throughout the world, and the legacy of the encounter between religion and communism. To augment this brief Religion, State & Society has now expanded its coverage to include religious developments in countries which have not experienced communist rule, and to treat wider themes in a more systematic way. The journal encourages a comparative approach where appropriate, with the aim of revealing similarities and differences in the historical and current experience of countries, regions and religions, in stability or in transition.
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