Karl Mannheim's Sociology as Political Education

I. McNish
{"title":"Karl Mannheim's Sociology as Political Education","authors":"I. McNish","doi":"10.5860/choice.40-4932","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Karl Mannheim's Sociology as Political Education Colin Loader and David Kettler Transaction Publishers, 2002 In the words of the publishers of this book, \"German professors and academic intellectuals are often blamed for their passivity or complicity in the face of the anti-Republic surge of the late Weimar years, culminating in the National Socialist rise to power,\" but Karl Mannheim was not amongst these. This was in fact a kind way of avoiding stating that Karl Mannheim was at heart a Marxist, as was his prime academic mentor, Georg Lukacs. In fact, while reading this book we need to remember that Lukacs, whom Mannheim admired so much, had actually served as \"Commissioner for Culture\" in BeIa Kun's murderous Soviet-style government of Hungary, during the chaotic years following the demise of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War I. It is to Mannheim's credit that he himself rejected violence as a means toward attaining the Communist goal, although perhaps this rejection was only due to his belief that sudden revolutions tended to strengthen opposition toward \"social change.\" Instead he argued that class barriers had to be lowered by subtle means before any radical reconstruction of society could win universal acceptance. While at Heidelberg, Mannheim was impressed by Max Weber's sociological treatises, and especially by his analysis of the dangers of bureaucracy. The authors, both seemingly favorable toward Mannheim, accordingly concentrate on showing how Mannheim took established Weberian sociology as his starting point, and having gained the attention of his audience, diverted it in line with Marxist principles. \"Not Marx but Max Weber usually served him as the paradigm for sociology in appeals to wider publics. Like Albert Saloman, however, he did not let his invocation of Weber stand in the way of his simultaneous identification of sociology with Marxism in the extended sense, especially when addressing students.\" (p. 163) Thus we see a conflict between more objective sociologists such as Leopold von Wiese, Georg von Below on the one hand, and politically-oriented intellectuals such as Eduard Spranger, Max Adler, Karl Kautsky, Albert Salomon, Emil Lederer, and Karl Mannheim, all of whom saw sociology as a tool by which they could indoctrinate students - or, in the words of the book's title, as \"political education.\" Thus there was an important contrast between Weber and Mannheim. Max Weber was an academic who valued the high cultural achievements of Western civilization. Mannheim, on the other hand, although a talented academic, rejected Western civilization, and particularly the German tradition that favored elitism and idealism. In the post-World War II environment, when Marxist-sympathizers such Jean Paul Sartre achieved a powerful role in Western intellectual circles, some writers portrayed Weber as a Nazi sympathizer, while portraying Mannheim as the defender of democracy. The fact that Mannheim was intellectually active in promoting Marxist goals, and who sought to eliminate not only class but even national distinctions, while portraying all human behavior in purely skeptical terms of class interest, is given little prominence when his views are presented in classes on sociological theory. As an academic in Weimar Germany, Mannheim presented economic gain as the prime motivating force in human behavior, but rejected violent revolution preferring to undermine the existing social system by spreading cynicism. He extends the concept of class interest into a Marxist-oriented \"sociology of knowledge,\" denying that there was any such thing as an objective social science, or even objective knowledge, and arguing that all views reflected the social background of those who espoused them. While the concept of a sociology of knowledge is in itself valid, his portrayal of class interest as the be-all and end-all of human goals and values was cynicism carried to the extreme, but it was an cynicism that prepared the way for Marxist infiltration of academe by destroying all faith in any objective value system and in any established order in society. …","PeriodicalId":52486,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2007-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"21","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.40-4932","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 21

Abstract

Karl Mannheim's Sociology as Political Education Colin Loader and David Kettler Transaction Publishers, 2002 In the words of the publishers of this book, "German professors and academic intellectuals are often blamed for their passivity or complicity in the face of the anti-Republic surge of the late Weimar years, culminating in the National Socialist rise to power," but Karl Mannheim was not amongst these. This was in fact a kind way of avoiding stating that Karl Mannheim was at heart a Marxist, as was his prime academic mentor, Georg Lukacs. In fact, while reading this book we need to remember that Lukacs, whom Mannheim admired so much, had actually served as "Commissioner for Culture" in BeIa Kun's murderous Soviet-style government of Hungary, during the chaotic years following the demise of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War I. It is to Mannheim's credit that he himself rejected violence as a means toward attaining the Communist goal, although perhaps this rejection was only due to his belief that sudden revolutions tended to strengthen opposition toward "social change." Instead he argued that class barriers had to be lowered by subtle means before any radical reconstruction of society could win universal acceptance. While at Heidelberg, Mannheim was impressed by Max Weber's sociological treatises, and especially by his analysis of the dangers of bureaucracy. The authors, both seemingly favorable toward Mannheim, accordingly concentrate on showing how Mannheim took established Weberian sociology as his starting point, and having gained the attention of his audience, diverted it in line with Marxist principles. "Not Marx but Max Weber usually served him as the paradigm for sociology in appeals to wider publics. Like Albert Saloman, however, he did not let his invocation of Weber stand in the way of his simultaneous identification of sociology with Marxism in the extended sense, especially when addressing students." (p. 163) Thus we see a conflict between more objective sociologists such as Leopold von Wiese, Georg von Below on the one hand, and politically-oriented intellectuals such as Eduard Spranger, Max Adler, Karl Kautsky, Albert Salomon, Emil Lederer, and Karl Mannheim, all of whom saw sociology as a tool by which they could indoctrinate students - or, in the words of the book's title, as "political education." Thus there was an important contrast between Weber and Mannheim. Max Weber was an academic who valued the high cultural achievements of Western civilization. Mannheim, on the other hand, although a talented academic, rejected Western civilization, and particularly the German tradition that favored elitism and idealism. In the post-World War II environment, when Marxist-sympathizers such Jean Paul Sartre achieved a powerful role in Western intellectual circles, some writers portrayed Weber as a Nazi sympathizer, while portraying Mannheim as the defender of democracy. The fact that Mannheim was intellectually active in promoting Marxist goals, and who sought to eliminate not only class but even national distinctions, while portraying all human behavior in purely skeptical terms of class interest, is given little prominence when his views are presented in classes on sociological theory. As an academic in Weimar Germany, Mannheim presented economic gain as the prime motivating force in human behavior, but rejected violent revolution preferring to undermine the existing social system by spreading cynicism. He extends the concept of class interest into a Marxist-oriented "sociology of knowledge," denying that there was any such thing as an objective social science, or even objective knowledge, and arguing that all views reflected the social background of those who espoused them. While the concept of a sociology of knowledge is in itself valid, his portrayal of class interest as the be-all and end-all of human goals and values was cynicism carried to the extreme, but it was an cynicism that prepared the way for Marxist infiltration of academe by destroying all faith in any objective value system and in any established order in society. …
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卡尔·曼海姆的《作为政治教育的社会学
用这本书的出版商的话来说,“德国的教授和学术知识分子经常被指责在魏玛后期的反共和国浪潮中被动或共谋,最终导致国家社会主义掌权,”但卡尔·曼海姆不在其中。事实上,这是一种避免说卡尔·曼海姆本质上是马克思主义者的方式,就像他的主要学术导师乔治·卢卡奇一样。事实上,在阅读这本书的时候,我们需要记住曼海姆如此崇拜的卢卡奇,实际上曾在第一次世界大战结束后奥匈帝国灭亡后的混乱岁月里,在贝娅昆凶残的苏联式匈牙利政府中担任“文化专员”。曼海姆值得赞扬的是,他自己拒绝将暴力作为实现共产主义目标的手段。虽然这种拒绝可能只是因为他相信突然的革命倾向于加强对“社会变革”的反对。相反,他认为,在任何激进的社会重建能够赢得普遍接受之前,必须通过微妙的手段降低阶级壁垒。在海德堡的时候,曼海姆对马克斯·韦伯的社会学论文印象深刻,尤其是他对官僚主义危险的分析。两位作者表面上都对曼海姆很有好感,但实际上却把注意力集中在展示曼海姆是如何以已确立的韦伯社会学为出发点,在引起读者注意后,根据马克思主义原则将其转移的。不是马克思,而是马克斯·韦伯通常把他作为社会学的典范,以吸引更广泛的公众。然而,像阿尔伯特·萨洛曼一样,他并没有让他对韦伯的引用妨碍他同时将社会学与马克思主义在广义上混为一谈,尤其是在对学生讲话时。”因此,我们看到了更客观的社会学家之间的冲突,一方面是利奥波德·冯·维泽、格奥尔格·冯·波洛,另一方面是政治导向的知识分子,如爱德华·斯普朗格、马克斯·阿德勒、卡尔·考茨基、阿尔伯特·所罗门、埃米尔·莱德勒和卡尔·曼海姆,他们都把社会学看作是灌输学生的工具,或者用书名的话说,是“政治教育”。因此,在韦伯和曼海姆之间有一个重要的对比。马克斯·韦伯是一位重视西方文明高度文化成就的学者。另一方面,曼海姆虽然是一位才华横溢的学者,但他拒绝西方文明,尤其是德国传统的精英主义和理想主义。在二战后的环境中,当马克思主义的同情者,如让·保罗·萨特在西方知识界取得了强大的地位时,一些作家把韦伯描绘成纳粹的同情者,而把曼海姆描绘成民主的捍卫者。事实上,曼海姆在促进马克思主义目标方面非常活跃,他不仅试图消除阶级差异,甚至还试图消除国家差异,同时以纯粹怀疑的阶级利益来描绘所有人类行为,当他的观点在社会学理论课堂上呈现时,他的观点很少得到重视。作为德国魏玛时期的一名学者,曼海姆认为经济利益是人类行为的主要动力,但他反对暴力革命,宁愿通过传播犬儒主义来破坏现有的社会制度。他将阶级利益的概念扩展到以马克思主义为导向的“知识社会学”,否认存在任何客观的社会科学,甚至客观的知识,并认为所有的观点都反映了那些支持他们的人的社会背景。虽然知识社会学的概念本身是有效的,但他将阶级利益描述为人类目标和价值的全部和最终目的,这是一种极端的犬儒主义,但这种犬儒主义通过摧毁对任何客观价值体系和任何既定社会秩序的所有信仰,为马克思主义渗透学术界铺平了道路。…
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Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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期刊介绍: The quarterly Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies (ISSN 0193-5941), which has been published regularly since 1976, is a peer-reviewed academic journal devoted to scholarly papers which present in depth information on contemporary issues of primarily international interest. The emphasis is on factual information rather than purely theoretical or historical papers, although it welcomes an historical approach to contemporary situations where this serves to clarify the causal background to present day problems.
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