Russian Foreign Policy

IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS International Relations Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI:10.1093/obo/9780199743292-0310
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Abstract

Russian foreign policy has undergone substantial shifts in the post–Cold War period. Scholarly attention toward the topic has also experienced ebbs and flows as the breakup of the Soviet Union drastically decreased general interest toward a newly emerged Russia. The initial period of Russian foreign policy in the early 1990s was to a large degree a continuation of Soviet foreign policy, with its focus on cooperative relations with the West. This, in turn, combined with the general weakness of the Russian state, resulted in the relative disregard of other foreign policy directions. The deepening domestic power struggle led to a growing opposition toward the pro-Western course and paved the way for a number of domestic players to influence Russia’s foreign policy course. Vladimir Putin’s arrival to power in 2000 and the domestic changes he introduced freed foreign policy from most of its domestic constraints, at least temporarily. During his first presidential term (2000–2004), Russian foreign policy oscillated between competition with the West (the United States in particular) and attempts to integrate Russia as the West’s equal partner. The consolidation of the regime, which accelerated in Putin’s second presidential term (2004–2008), left its mark on foreign policy. Russia’s engagement with the external world underwent substantial changes, which turned out to be durable for the next decade and a half. Material resurgence, the strengthening of the state, and the domestic political consolidation fueled Russia’s assertiveness in international politics. These processes culminated in Putin’s 2007 Munich speech and the 2008 war with Georgia. The following period of the so-called tandemocracy (2008–2012), with Putin becoming prime minister and Dmitri Medvedev serving as president, led to a partial warming in relations with the West, though Russia continued its assertive policy. Russia also deepened its cooperation with a rising China. Putin’s return to power in 2012 initiated the conservative-nationalist turn in domestic politics, which was reflected in foreign policy. Russia increasingly positioned itself not only as a geopolitical challenger to the West, but also a normative one. The annexation of Crimea (2014), followed by the military intervention in Syria (2015), opened a new phase in Russian foreign policy. Moscow became bolder in using military force abroad and enlarged its presence in such regions as sub-Saharan Africa. The explanations of change and continuity in Russian foreign policy can be grouped in several camps, with scholars emphasizing power politics and external constraints, domestic politics, and the role of ideas and identity. The emerging trend is the growing popularity of pluralist explanations of Russian foreign policy.
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俄罗斯外交政策
俄罗斯的外交政策在后冷战时期发生了重大转变。随着苏联的解体大大降低了对新出现的俄罗斯的普遍兴趣,学术界对这个话题的关注也经历了起起落落。20世纪90年代初,俄罗斯外交政策的最初阶段在很大程度上是苏联外交政策的延续,其重点是与西方的合作关系。这一点,再加上俄罗斯政府的普遍弱点,导致了俄罗斯对其他外交政策方向的相对漠视。不断深化的国内权力斗争导致越来越多的人反对亲西方路线,并为一些国内参与者影响俄罗斯的外交政策路线铺平了道路。弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin) 2000年上台,以及他引入的国内改革,使俄罗斯外交政策至少暂时摆脱了大部分国内制约。在他的第一个总统任期内(2000-2004年),俄罗斯的外交政策在与西方(尤其是美国)竞争和试图将俄罗斯整合为西方的平等伙伴之间摇摆不定。政权的巩固在普京第二任总统任期(2004-2008)加速,并在外交政策上留下了印记。俄罗斯与外部世界的接触经历了重大变化,这种变化在接下来的15年里持续了下来。物质上的复兴、国家的加强和国内政治的巩固,使俄罗斯在国际政治中更加自信。这些进程在普京2007年的慕尼黑演讲和2008年与格鲁吉亚的战争中达到高潮。接下来的所谓“tandemocracy”时期(2008年至2012年),普京成为总理,梅德韦杰夫担任总统,导致俄罗斯与西方的关系部分升温,尽管俄罗斯继续奉行强硬的政策。俄罗斯也加深了与崛起中的中国的合作。普京2012年重新掌权后,国内政治开始转向保守民族主义,这也反映在外交政策上。俄罗斯越来越多地将自己定位为不仅是西方的地缘政治挑战者,也是一个规范挑战者。吞并克里米亚(2014年)以及随后对叙利亚的军事干预(2015年),开启了俄罗斯外交政策的新阶段。莫斯科在海外使用军事力量方面变得更加大胆,并扩大了在撒哈拉以南非洲等地区的存在。对俄罗斯外交政策的变化和连续性的解释可以分为几个阵营,学者们强调权力政治和外部约束、国内政治以及思想和身份的作用。新兴的趋势是,对俄罗斯外交政策的多元解释越来越受欢迎。
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来源期刊
International Relations
International Relations INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
CiteScore
3.20
自引率
6.20%
发文量
35
期刊介绍: International Relations is explicitly pluralist in outlook. Editorial policy favours variety in both subject-matter and method, at a time when so many academic journals are increasingly specialised in scope, and sectarian in approach. We welcome articles or proposals from all perspectives and on all subjects pertaining to international relations: law, economics, ethics, strategy, philosophy, culture, environment, and so on, in addition to more mainstream conceptual work and policy analysis. We believe that such pluralism is in great demand by the academic and policy communities and the interested public.
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