Judicial Candidates' Right to Lie

Nat Stern
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

A large majority of state judges are chosen through some form of popular election. In Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, the Supreme Court struck down a law forbidding certain judicial campaign speech. A decade later, the Court in United States v. Alvarez ruled that factually false statements do not constitute categorically unprotected expression under the First Amendment. Together these two holdings, along with the Court’s wider protection of political expression and disapproval of content-based restrictions, cast serious doubt on states’ ability to ban false and misleading speech by judicial candidates. Commonly known as the misrepresent clause, this prohibition has intuitive appeal in light of judges’ responsibilities and still exists in many states. Given the provision’s vulnerability to challenge, however, states may be able to avert chronic fabrication by judicial candidates only by removing its ultimate source — judicial elections themselves If the State chooses to tap the energy and the legitimizing power of the democratic process, it must accord the participants in that process … the First Amendment rights that attach to their roles. [A] State’s decision to elect its judiciary does not compel it to treat judicial candidates like campaigners for political office.
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司法候选人说谎的权利
大多数州法官都是通过某种形式的普选产生的。在明尼苏达州共和党诉怀特案中,最高法院推翻了一项禁止某些司法竞选演讲的法律。十年后,美国诉阿尔瓦雷斯案(United States v. Alvarez)的最高法院裁定,事实上的虚假陈述不构成第一修正案规定的绝对不受保护的言论。这两项判决,加上最高法院对政治言论的更广泛保护和对基于内容的限制的反对,使人们对各州禁止司法候选人发表虚假和误导性言论的能力产生了严重怀疑。这一禁令通常被称为虚假陈述条款,鉴于法官的责任,这一禁令具有直观的吸引力,并且在许多州仍然存在。然而,鉴于该条款容易受到挑战,各州只有通过消除其最终来源——司法选举本身,才能避免司法候选人长期捏造事实。如果国家选择利用民主进程的能量和使之合法化的力量,它必须赋予该进程的参与者……第一修正案赋予他们的角色的权利。[A]一个国家选举其司法人员的决定并不强迫它把司法候选人当作政治职位的竞选者。
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