Samantha F. McCormick, K. Rastle, Matthew H. Davis
{"title":"Adore-able not adorable? Orthographic underspecification studied with masked repetition priming","authors":"Samantha F. McCormick, K. Rastle, Matthew H. Davis","doi":"10.1080/09541440802366919","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports three masked priming experiments examining morphological priming with nonword primes, using targets that were incompletely represented in the primes due to a missing “e” at the morpheme boundary (e.g., adorage-adore). Primes were constructed with a vowel-initial suffix (e.g., adorage) in the first experiment and with a consonant-initial suffix (e.g., adorly) in the second experiment. Priming was observed in both experiments relative to an orthographic control condition. Experiment 3 was a control experiment designed to show that targets in the morphological and orthographic form conditions of the first two experiments were equally susceptible to priming. Overall, our findings provide support for a form of morphemic decomposition that is based on the mere appearance of morphological complexity (e.g., Rastle, Davis, & New, 2004), and demonstrate that this form of morphemic decomposition is robust to regular orthographic alterations that occur in morphologically complex words.","PeriodicalId":88321,"journal":{"name":"The European journal of cognitive psychology","volume":"35 1","pages":"813 - 836"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"46","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The European journal of cognitive psychology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09541440802366919","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 46
Abstract
This paper reports three masked priming experiments examining morphological priming with nonword primes, using targets that were incompletely represented in the primes due to a missing “e” at the morpheme boundary (e.g., adorage-adore). Primes were constructed with a vowel-initial suffix (e.g., adorage) in the first experiment and with a consonant-initial suffix (e.g., adorly) in the second experiment. Priming was observed in both experiments relative to an orthographic control condition. Experiment 3 was a control experiment designed to show that targets in the morphological and orthographic form conditions of the first two experiments were equally susceptible to priming. Overall, our findings provide support for a form of morphemic decomposition that is based on the mere appearance of morphological complexity (e.g., Rastle, Davis, & New, 2004), and demonstrate that this form of morphemic decomposition is robust to regular orthographic alterations that occur in morphologically complex words.