{"title":"THE EMPIRE IN THE EPITOME: FLORUS AND THE CONQUEST OF HISTORIOGRAPHY","authors":"Jared Hudson","doi":"10.1017/rmu.2019.9","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Sorting out just what Florus’ condensed work of history is has proved a significant impediment to an understanding of what it might mean. F.R.D. Goodyear's terse précis of Florus ‘The historian’—carefully decoupled from ‘The orator’ and ‘The poet’—in the Cambridge History of Classical Literature begins tellingly: ‘Florus’ outline of Roman history, ending with Augustus, was in late antiquity inaccurately described as an epitome of Livy.’ This is accurate enough. Despite the transmitted title, Epitoma(e) de Tito Liuio (also Bellorum omnium annorum septingentorum libri n. duo), Florus’ work is notably distinct from, say, Justin's abridgment of Pompeius Trogus or the Livian Periochae. Livy looms large in Florus’ history, but at no point in the text is he signaled by name, and numerous structural and thematic features mark this diminutive work's divergence from its huge predecessor. Florus’ Tableau (Jal's chosen title) simply doesn't read as mere paraphrase of Ab urbe condita. He frequently reshuffles, omits, or contradicts material found in Livy, or covers content that Livy does not include, or does not reach chronologically. Alongside Livy, Cato, Caesar, Sallust, Virgil, Seneca the Elder, Lucan, and (seemingly) Tacitus are conspicuous presences in Florus. Much has been said about how Florus fails to be a proper epitome. However, and perhaps more significantly as regards the reception of Florus’ quirky historiography, Goodyear's emphatic non-definition reinforces a summary dismissal of Florus’ value as a text. That is to say, in such a portrayal (and in that of many others), Florus suffers double punishment. He ‘has little to say which is new or remarkable’, but at the same time definitely fails as a reliable compiler. Derivative, and yet faithless: whatever Florus may be, he is something worse than epitome.","PeriodicalId":43863,"journal":{"name":"RAMUS-CRITICAL STUDIES IN GREEK AND ROMAN LITERATURE","volume":"52 1","pages":"54 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"RAMUS-CRITICAL STUDIES IN GREEK AND ROMAN LITERATURE","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2019.9","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"CLASSICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
Sorting out just what Florus’ condensed work of history is has proved a significant impediment to an understanding of what it might mean. F.R.D. Goodyear's terse précis of Florus ‘The historian’—carefully decoupled from ‘The orator’ and ‘The poet’—in the Cambridge History of Classical Literature begins tellingly: ‘Florus’ outline of Roman history, ending with Augustus, was in late antiquity inaccurately described as an epitome of Livy.’ This is accurate enough. Despite the transmitted title, Epitoma(e) de Tito Liuio (also Bellorum omnium annorum septingentorum libri n. duo), Florus’ work is notably distinct from, say, Justin's abridgment of Pompeius Trogus or the Livian Periochae. Livy looms large in Florus’ history, but at no point in the text is he signaled by name, and numerous structural and thematic features mark this diminutive work's divergence from its huge predecessor. Florus’ Tableau (Jal's chosen title) simply doesn't read as mere paraphrase of Ab urbe condita. He frequently reshuffles, omits, or contradicts material found in Livy, or covers content that Livy does not include, or does not reach chronologically. Alongside Livy, Cato, Caesar, Sallust, Virgil, Seneca the Elder, Lucan, and (seemingly) Tacitus are conspicuous presences in Florus. Much has been said about how Florus fails to be a proper epitome. However, and perhaps more significantly as regards the reception of Florus’ quirky historiography, Goodyear's emphatic non-definition reinforces a summary dismissal of Florus’ value as a text. That is to say, in such a portrayal (and in that of many others), Florus suffers double punishment. He ‘has little to say which is new or remarkable’, but at the same time definitely fails as a reliable compiler. Derivative, and yet faithless: whatever Florus may be, he is something worse than epitome.
整理弗洛勒斯的浓缩的历史作品被证明是理解它可能意味着什么的重大障碍。F.R.D.古德伊尔在《剑桥古典文学史》中对弗洛勒斯“历史学家”的简洁描述——小心翼翼地与“演说家”和“诗人”分离开来——娓娓道来:“弗洛勒斯”对罗马历史的概述,以奥古斯都结束,在古代晚期被错误地描述为李维的缩影。这是非常准确的。尽管传播的标题是《Tito Liuio Epitoma(e) de Tito Liuio(也称为Bellorum omnium annorum septingentorum libri n. duo)》,弗洛鲁斯的作品明显不同于犹斯丁(Justin)对庞培·特罗古斯(Pompeius Trogus)或利维亚(Livian) Periochae的删节。李维在弗洛勒斯的历史中占据重要地位,但在文本中没有任何地方显示他的名字,许多结构和主题特征标志着这部小型作品与它的巨大前身的分歧。Florus的《Tableau》(Jal选择的标题)读起来并不仅仅是《Ab urbe condition》的意译。他经常重新整理、省略或反驳李维的材料,或覆盖李维没有包括的内容,或没有按时间顺序到达的内容。除了李维之外,加图、凯撒、萨洛斯特、维吉尔、老塞内加、卢坎和(似乎)塔西佗都是弗洛勒斯引人注目的人物。关于《Florus》如何未能成为一个恰当的缩影,人们已经说了很多。然而,也许更重要的是,对于弗洛勒斯古怪的史学的接受,固特异强调的不定义强化了对弗洛勒斯作为文本价值的总结。也就是说,在这样的描绘中(以及其他许多人的描绘中),弗洛勒斯遭受了双重惩罚。他“没有说什么是新的或值得注意的”,但同时,作为一个可靠的编译器,他肯定是失败的。不管弗洛勒斯是什么样的人,他都比他的化身还要糟糕。