Black Megachurch Culture: Models for Education and Empowerment by Sandra L. Barnes (review)

Q2 Social Sciences The Journal of Negro Education Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.49-0213
Antonio L. Ellis
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

Black Megachurch Culture: Models for Education and Empowerment, by Sandra L. Barnes. New York: Peter Lang, 2010, $26.00, 198 pp., paperback. Sandra L. Bames takes us through a four-year in depth systematic empirical study delineating the plight of the "Black Megachurch", and it's deeply rooted connects to education and community empowerment. The term "mega" is defined as a church who averages at least 2,000 attendees per week. As part of the introduction, she explains the historical connections between education, the Black community, and the Black church. Chapter 1, "The Black Megachurch Phenomenon: Influences, Challenges, and Responses" describes common features of the Black megachurch to be: Black, charismatic senior pastors; multiple, energetic, high-tech weekend worship services; televised broadcasts; and, cafeteriastyle programs. These churches are said to be consumers of wealth. According to Schaller (2000), "consumerism has changed the rules of the game" (p. 1 7), meaning churches have become consumed with large congregations and buildings. Megachurches are typically populated by educated middle- and upper-class Blacks who feel that smaller Black churches are inadequate. This feeling of inadequacy tends to be "self-centered," which is contrary to the traditions of the Black Church. Traditionally, the Black Church has been a cornerstone for sustaining organizations and members who faced challenges and circumstances beyond their control (Barnes, 2005). Pattillo-McCoy's (1998) ethnographic study contends that the Black Church was designed to combat social problems such as drugs, gangs, and crime. In this chapter, the author sought to contextualize church efforts to address some pressing challenges within the Black community. Chapter 2, "Church Culture in Real Time: Worship as an Educational Tool" describes the language, culture, and performances that are expected when one enters a megachurch building. In addition to the constrained traditional verbiage such as "halleluiah," "praise the lord," and "amen," other terminology is employed such as "bling bling," "bootylicious," and "chillaxing," which are extensions of the hip-hop and popular culture. These terms are considered as ways to engage and entice youths into being active participants in the worship experience. In light of her ethnographical studies, the author eludes to the notion that Black megachurches attribute their large edifices to excellence. She says, "Large sanctuaries, technological gadgetry, coffee shops, and praise dancers may seem ostentatious to outsiders, but are common features expected by members" (p. 62). For a few hours per week, congregants are exposed to various images such as acacia wood floors; multiple elevators similar to those found in office buildings; 75-person usher board contingencies in tailored suits; ministerial staff in color-coordinated attire; 100-voice mass choirs; and flamboyant senior pastors. Unfortunately, most people who occupy seats in these congregations rarely, if ever, receive opportunities to communicate directly with leaders of these churches. Nevertheless, these church congregations have intentions to return the Black church to a place that mobilizes the Black community through education, teen ministries, drug addiction counseling, and so forth. Chapter 3, "Church Socialization Processes: Each One, Teach Some!" provides an in-depth description of the church socialization process by considering how church cultural tools, practicalities, and specialized leadership training become driven by senior pastors to create spiritually driven management teams. In this chapter, the author interviewed several pastors in order to better understand the connection between the socialization process and church growth. One pastor contends that "part of the church socialization process involves communicating the relational dimensions of Christianity ... it will shape how members negotiate society and commit to their respective congregations. …
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《黑人大教会文化:教育和赋权的模式》桑德拉·l·巴恩斯著(书评)
《黑人大教会文化:教育和赋权的模式》,桑德拉·l·巴恩斯著。纽约:彼得·朗出版社,2010年,26美元,198页,平装本。Sandra L. Bames带领我们进行了为期四年的深入系统的实证研究,描绘了“黑人大教堂”的困境,它与教育和社区赋权有着根深蒂固的联系。“超级”一词被定义为平均每周至少有2000人参加的教堂。作为引言的一部分,她解释了教育、黑人社区和黑人教堂之间的历史联系。第一章“黑人大教会现象:影响、挑战和回应”描述了黑人大教会的共同特征:黑人、有灵恩的高级牧师;多元、活力、高科技的周末敬拜服务;电视节目;还有自助餐厅式的项目。这些教堂被认为是财富的消费者。根据Schaller(2000)的说法,“消费主义已经改变了游戏规则”(第17页),这意味着教堂已经被大型会众和建筑所消耗。大型教堂通常由受过教育的中上层黑人组成,他们觉得小型黑人教堂不够用。这种不足感往往是“以自我为中心”的,这与黑人教会的传统背道而驰。传统上,黑人教会一直是维持面临挑战和超出他们控制的情况的组织和成员的基石(Barnes, 2005)。Pattillo-McCoy(1998)的人种学研究认为,黑人教堂是为了对抗毒品、帮派和犯罪等社会问题而设计的。在本章中,作者试图将教会为解决黑人社区内一些紧迫挑战所做的努力置于背景中。第2章,“实时教会文化:敬拜作为一种教育工具”描述了当人们进入一座大型教堂建筑时所期望的语言、文化和表演。除了诸如“哈利路亚”、“赞美上帝”和“阿门”等传统措辞外,还使用了其他术语,如“bling bling”、“bootylicious”和“chillhing”,这些术语都是嘻哈和流行文化的延伸。这些术语被认为是吸引和吸引年轻人积极参与敬拜体验的方式。鉴于她的人种学研究,作者回避了这样一种观念,即黑人巨型教堂将其宏伟建筑归因于卓越。她说,“大型的避难所,高科技的小玩意儿,咖啡店和赞美舞者在外人看来可能是炫耀的,但这是成员所期望的共同特征”(第62页)。每周有几个小时,会众会接触到各种各样的图像,比如金合欢木地板;多部电梯,类似于写字楼里的电梯;75人的引座员穿着量身定制的西装;穿着颜色协调的服装的部长工作人员;100人唱诗班;以及华丽的高级牧师。不幸的是,在这些教会中占据席位的大多数人很少,如果有的话,很少有机会直接与这些教会的领袖交流。尽管如此,这些教会的意图是让黑人教会回归到一个通过教育、青少年事工、戒毒咨询等动员黑人社区的地方。第3章,“教会社会化的过程:每个人,教一些!”通过考虑教会文化工具,实用性和专门的领导力培训如何在高级牧师的推动下创建精神驱动的管理团队,深入描述了教会社会化的过程。在本章中,作者采访了几位牧师,以便更好地了解社会化过程与教会成长之间的联系。一位牧师认为,“教会社会化过程的一部分涉及到传达基督教的关系维度……它将塑造成员如何与社会谈判,并致力于各自的会众。…
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来源期刊
The Journal of Negro Education
The Journal of Negro Education Social Sciences-Anthropology
CiteScore
1.20
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期刊介绍: The Journal of Negro Education (JNE), a refereed scholarly periodical, was founded at Howard University in 1932 to fill the need for a scholarly journal that would identify and define the problems that characterized the education of Black people in the United States and elsewhere, provide a forum for analysis and solutions, and serve as a vehicle for sharing statistics and research on a national basis. JNE sustains a commitment to a threefold mission: first, to stimulate the collection and facilitate the dissemination of facts about the education of Black people; second, to present discussions involving critical appraisals of the proposals and practices relating to the education of Black people.
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