Same: structural sources of anaphora and relativization

Abstract

This paper offers a unified view of the structures giving rise to anaphora and relativization within same-expressions. Taking as a point of departure the proposal that indices occupy syntactic positions in anaphoric DPs (Schwarz 2009, Simonenko 2014, a.o.), I examine the open issue of how anaphoric modifiers, particularly same, are predicted to interact with this proposed structural complexity. Based on the morphosyntactic behavior of definite descriptions with same, I argue that indices may be housed in DP structure in different ways. I argue moreover that the behavior of same in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts supports the view that same is syntactically an equative degree head (Alrenga 2007, Oxford 2010), whose selectional properties are mirrored in a range of equative constructions. Finally, I propose an analysis of as-relatives selected by same that accounts for their alternation with anaphora, and offer a comparison with restrictive relatives.