Proto-Indo-European verbal morphology is generally described as consisting of at least a “thematic” and an “athematic” conjugation, which differ in whether or not a fixed vocalic piece adjacent to the root (traditionally known as “thematic vowel”) is present. This paper investigates the behavior of the outcomes of the thematic vowels in three ancient Indo-European languages: Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, and Latin. We show that, on the one hand, Latin thematic vowels are typically “ornamental”, in that they lack any morpho-syntactico-semantic information, and are used exclusively for classification purposes; on the other hand, Sanskrit and Ancient Greek thematic vowels are fully functional, in that they expone (at least) aspectual information. We argue for a diachronic account of such differential treatment of thematicity across the three languages, whereby the original functionality of such pieces, albeit fully preserved in Sanskrit, was gradually lost over time, and finally gave rise to the Latin verbal ornamental system.
{"title":"Title Pending 8932","authors":"Andrea Calabrese, Roberto Petrosino","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8932","url":null,"abstract":"Proto-Indo-European verbal morphology is generally described as consisting of at least a “thematic” and an “athematic” conjugation, which differ in whether or not a fixed vocalic piece adjacent to the root (traditionally known as “thematic vowel”) is present. This paper investigates the behavior of the outcomes of the thematic vowels in three ancient Indo-European languages: Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, and Latin. We show that, on the one hand, Latin thematic vowels are typically “ornamental”, in that they lack any morpho-syntactico-semantic information, and are used exclusively for classification purposes; on the other hand, Sanskrit and Ancient Greek thematic vowels are fully functional, in that they expone (at least) aspectual information. We argue for a diachronic account of such differential treatment of thematicity across the three languages, whereby the original functionality of such pieces, albeit fully preserved in Sanskrit, was gradually lost over time, and finally gave rise to the Latin verbal ornamental system.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135293552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper pursues two twin goals: [i] To refine proposals in Grosu (2016) concerning the characterization and analysis of nominal-argumental ‘transparent free relatives’ (‘TFRs’), and [ii] to strengthen Grosu’s (2016) argumentation against an alternative approach to TFRs.
{"title":"Title Pending 10160","authors":"Alexander Grosu","doi":"10.16995/glossa.10160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.10160","url":null,"abstract":"This paper pursues two twin goals: [i] To refine proposals in Grosu (2016) concerning the characterization and analysis of nominal-argumental ‘transparent free relatives’ (‘TFRs’), and [ii] to strengthen Grosu’s (2016) argumentation against an alternative approach to TFRs. ","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135293386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We experimentally investigate the meaning of denominal verbs in child and adult Romanian using a semi-artificial/semi-nonce denominal verb (SAD) paradigm, i.e., using non-existent verbs derived from familiar nouns (a cireşi ‘to cherry’). Importantly, the SAD paradigm allows us to probe into meaning formation without the lexical bias of existing verbs. To see whether children have difficulties understanding SAD verbs in linguistic contexts, we conducted a Contextual Denominal Task. Children were asked to select a matching picture after hearing sentences with SAD verbs in linguistic contexts biasing them for a particular interpretation. Children generally opted for a literal interpretation of a cireşi ‘to cherry’, involving the actual object cherry (‘to pick/eat cherries’), over a figurative interpretation such as a deveni (roşie) ca cireaşa ‘to become (red) like a cherry’, i.e., ‘to blush’ even in figurative-biasing contexts (like Mary cherried when John told her she was beautiful). In order to see whether children perform better when the meaning is made explicit or whether they have a general difficulty with figurative meanings (whether implicit or explicit), we also conducted an Explicit Denominal Paraphrase Task, where children were instead exposed to the corresponding denominal paraphrases (e.g., a deveni ca cireaşa ‘to become like a cherry’). Children performed almost adult-like when the figurative meaning was more explicit. We account for our findings within a Meaning First Approach (Sauerland & Alexiadou 2020; Guasti, Alexiadou & Sauerland 2023), which assumes that compressed meaning is hard, and that decompressing words is subject to two possible principles: (structural and conceptual) simplicity and plausibility. While adults tend to observe plausibility, children prefer simplicity more, generally opting for literal readings, which merge the light verb DO or similar verbs with nouns (Hale & Keyser 2002; Kiparsky 1997).
我们实验研究了儿童和成人罗马尼亚语中名动词的意义，使用半人工/半非正式名动词(SAD)范式，即使用从熟悉名词衍生的不存在的动词(例如cirei ' to cherry ')。重要的是，SAD范式允许我们在没有现有动词的词汇偏见的情况下探索意义的形成。为了了解儿童在语言语境中是否有理解SAD动词的困难，我们进行了语境名称任务。孩子们被要求在听到带有悲伤动词的句子后选择一张匹配的图片，这些句子在语言语境中有特定的解释。孩子们通常会选择字面上的解释，包括实际的物体樱桃(“采摘/吃樱桃”)，而不是比喻性的解释，比如deveni (ro) ca cirea“变得(红)像樱桃”，即“脸红”，即使在有比喻性倾向的语境中(比如玛丽在约翰告诉她她很漂亮的时候脸红了)。为了观察孩子们是在明确意义时表现得更好，还是在理解比喻意义(无论是隐含的还是明确的)时表现得更好，我们还进行了一个明确的名称释义任务，在这个任务中，孩子们被暴露在相应的名称释义中(例如，一个deveni可以变成一个“变得像樱桃一样”)。当比喻意义更明确时，孩子们的表现几乎和成年人一样。我们在意义第一方法中解释了我们的发现(Sauerland &Alexiadou 2020;阿列克谢奥多·瓜斯蒂&Sauerland 2023)，它假设压缩意义是困难的，并且解压缩单词受制于两个可能的原则:(结构和概念)简单性和合理性。虽然成年人倾向于观察合理性，但孩子们更喜欢简单，通常选择字面阅读，将轻动词DO或类似的动词与名词结合在一起(Hale &大2002;Kiparsky 1997)。
{"title":"Title Pending 8653","authors":"Adina Camelia Bleotu","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8653","url":null,"abstract":"We experimentally investigate the meaning of denominal verbs in child and adult Romanian using a semi-artificial/semi-nonce denominal verb (SAD) paradigm, i.e., using non-existent verbs derived from familiar nouns (a cireşi ‘to cherry’). Importantly, the SAD paradigm allows us to probe into meaning formation without the lexical bias of existing verbs. To see whether children have difficulties understanding SAD verbs in linguistic contexts, we conducted a Contextual Denominal Task. Children were asked to select a matching picture after hearing sentences with SAD verbs in linguistic contexts biasing them for a particular interpretation. Children generally opted for a literal interpretation of a cireşi ‘to cherry’, involving the actual object cherry (‘to pick/eat cherries’), over a figurative interpretation such as a deveni (roşie) ca cireaşa ‘to become (red) like a cherry’, i.e., ‘to blush’ even in figurative-biasing contexts (like Mary cherried when John told her she was beautiful). In order to see whether children perform better when the meaning is made explicit or whether they have a general difficulty with figurative meanings (whether implicit or explicit), we also conducted an Explicit Denominal Paraphrase Task, where children were instead exposed to the corresponding denominal paraphrases (e.g., a deveni ca cireaşa ‘to become like a cherry’). Children performed almost adult-like when the figurative meaning was more explicit. We account for our findings within a Meaning First Approach (Sauerland & Alexiadou 2020; Guasti, Alexiadou & Sauerland 2023), which assumes that compressed meaning is hard, and that decompressing words is subject to two possible principles: (structural and conceptual) simplicity and plausibility. While adults tend to observe plausibility, children prefer simplicity more, generally opting for literal readings, which merge the light verb DO or similar verbs with nouns (Hale & Keyser 2002; Kiparsky 1997).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135062276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Elena Koulidobrova, Gabriel Martínez Vera, Kim Kurz, Christopher Kurz
This paper addresses gradability in American Sign Language (ASL). The literature has argued that languages may or may not introduce degree variables, i.e., there is cross-linguistic variation as to whether languages should be analyzed as degree- or degreeless. For ASL, the degree-based analysis has been assumed or explicitly proposed. For example, due to the visual nature of ASL (as a language that uses the physical signing space), it has been suggested that it may be able to readily represent scales iconically in the signing space. In contrast, we argue that ASL is a degreeless language, which further means that its modality does not necessarily readily translate into the iconic representation of scales in the signing space. Our discussion is based on a comprehensive examination of 31 adjectives across different constructions (e.g., different comparison strategies, questions targeting degrees, crisp judgments, etc.). We offer evidence from elicitation data from 6 consultants with different profiles.
{"title":"Title Pending 9904","authors":"Elena Koulidobrova, Gabriel Martínez Vera, Kim Kurz, Christopher Kurz","doi":"10.16995/glossa.9904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.9904","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses gradability in American Sign Language (ASL). The literature has argued that languages may or may not introduce degree variables, i.e., there is cross-linguistic variation as to whether languages should be analyzed as degree- or degreeless. For ASL, the degree-based analysis has been assumed or explicitly proposed. For example, due to the visual nature of ASL (as a language that uses the physical signing space), it has been suggested that it may be able to readily represent scales iconically in the signing space. In contrast, we argue that ASL is a degreeless language, which further means that its modality does not necessarily readily translate into the iconic representation of scales in the signing space. Our discussion is based on a comprehensive examination of 31 adjectives across different constructions (e.g., different comparison strategies, questions targeting degrees, crisp judgments, etc.). We offer evidence from elicitation data from 6 consultants with different profiles.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135514101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hannah Lutzenberger, Katie Mudd, Rose Stamp, Adam Charles Schembri
Claims have been made about the relationship between the degree of lexical variation and the social structure of a sign language community (e.g., population size), but to date there exist no large-scale cross-linguistic comparisons to address these claims. In this study, we present a cross-linguistic analysis of lexical variation in three signing communities: Kata Kolok, Israeli Sign Language (ISL) and British Sign Language (BSL). Contrary to the prediction that BSL would have the lowest degree of lexical variation because it has the largest population size, we found that BSL has the highest degree of lexical variation across the entire community (i.e., at the global level). We find, however, that BSL has the lowest degree of lexical variation at the local level, i.e., within clusters of participants who group most similarly lexically. Kata Kolok and ISL, on the other hand, exhibit less of a distinction between variation at the global and local levels, suggesting that lexical variation does not pattern as strongly within subsets of these two communities as does BSL. The results of this study require us to reassess claims made about lexical variation and community structure; we need to move towards an approach of studying (lexical) variation which treats communities equally on a theoretical level and which respects the unique social-demographic profile of each community when designing the analysis by using a community-centered approach.
{"title":"Title Pending 10229","authors":"Hannah Lutzenberger, Katie Mudd, Rose Stamp, Adam Charles Schembri","doi":"10.16995/glossa.10229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.10229","url":null,"abstract":"Claims have been made about the relationship between the degree of lexical variation and the social structure of a sign language community (e.g., population size), but to date there exist no large-scale cross-linguistic comparisons to address these claims. In this study, we present a cross-linguistic analysis of lexical variation in three signing communities: Kata Kolok, Israeli Sign Language (ISL) and British Sign Language (BSL). Contrary to the prediction that BSL would have the lowest degree of lexical variation because it has the largest population size, we found that BSL has the highest degree of lexical variation across the entire community (i.e., at the global level). We find, however, that BSL has the lowest degree of lexical variation at the local level, i.e., within clusters of participants who group most similarly lexically. Kata Kolok and ISL, on the other hand, exhibit less of a distinction between variation at the global and local levels, suggesting that lexical variation does not pattern as strongly within subsets of these two communities as does BSL. The results of this study require us to reassess claims made about lexical variation and community structure; we need to move towards an approach of studying (lexical) variation which treats communities equally on a theoretical level and which respects the unique social-demographic profile of each community when designing the analysis by using a community-centered approach.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135513525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jonathan Ginzburg, Jonathan Ginzburg, Jong-Bok Kim
Exclamative sluices (What a goal!, How odd!) have not been part of the debate on the nature of ellipsis constructions. As we show here their profile is quite different from the usual suspects, VP ellipsis and interrogative sluicing – they occur much more frequently than their clausal counterparts and their resolution is more often than not exophoric (i.e., not based on a linguistic antecedent.). On our analysis exclamative sluices are simply scaled up predications of a contextually given entity. We show how this, taken together with an existing semantically-based account of interrogative sluicing, offers an account of the disparity in exophoric potential between the two types of sluicing, an account which is not available to standard, deletion-based accounts. We argue – against most existing views (though with important exceptions which we note and on whose insights we build) – that exclamatives are propositional in nature and develop an account of exclaiming already applicable to laughter, smiling, and head shakes. This account provides a direct link between scaled up predication and increased arousal, itself taken to involve scalar incrementation.
{"title":"Title Pending 9639","authors":"Jonathan Ginzburg, Jonathan Ginzburg, Jong-Bok Kim","doi":"10.16995/glossa.9639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.9639","url":null,"abstract":"Exclamative sluices (What a goal!, How odd!) have not been part of the debate on the nature of ellipsis constructions. As we show here their profile is quite different from the usual suspects, VP ellipsis and interrogative sluicing – they occur much more frequently than their clausal counterparts and their resolution is more often than not exophoric (i.e., not based on a linguistic antecedent.). On our analysis exclamative sluices are simply scaled up predications of a contextually given entity. We show how this, taken together with an existing semantically-based account of interrogative sluicing, offers an account of the disparity in exophoric potential between the two types of sluicing, an account which is not available to standard, deletion-based accounts. We argue – against most existing views (though with important exceptions which we note and on whose insights we build) – that exclamatives are propositional in nature and develop an account of exclaiming already applicable to laughter, smiling, and head shakes. This account provides a direct link between scaled up predication and increased arousal, itself taken to involve scalar incrementation.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136077383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a novel account of the distribution of the null complementizer (C) in English, arguing that the licensing of null C is a case of prosodically conditioned allomorphy (Carstairs 1988, 1990; Paster 2006; Inkelas 2014). The account expands on prior proposals (Bošković & Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b), observing that environments which prohibit null C all show an obligatory Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary preceding C. In contrast, an obligatory IP boundary does not appear in environments which allow null C. I argue that null C is an allomorph associated with a specific prosodic environment: “medial” position within IP, (…C…). Overt C, on the other hand can appear in “initial” position within IP, (C…). This synchronic account is supported by a diachronic account, tracing how null C arose from phonologically weak overt forms of C (/ðæt/ → /(ð)æt/, /(ð)ət/, /-t/ → Ø). Crucially, the distribution of these weak forms is itself prosodically conditioned by principles which allow phonological weakening in medial prosodic positions but prevent weakening in initial position, a result of “domain-initial strengthening” (Pierrehumbert & Talkin 1992; Fougeron & Keating 1997; Beckman 1998; Keating et al. 2004; White & Turk 2010).
本文提出了一种关于英语中零补语(C)分布的新解释，认为零补语C的许可是韵律条件异态的一种情况(Carstairs 1988,1990;帕斯特2006;Inkelas 2014)。该帐户扩展了先前的建议(Bošković &Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b)，观察到禁止null C的环境都在C之前显示强制性的语调短语(IP)边界。相反，在允许null C的环境中不会出现强制性的IP边界。我认为null C是与特定韵律环境相关的异形:IP内的“中间”位置，(…C…)。另一方面，显性C可以出现在IP内的“初始”位置，(C…)。这种共时性解释得到了历时性解释的支持，追溯了C是如何从语音上弱的显性形式C (/ðæt/→/(ð)æt/， /(ð)æt/， /-t/→Ø)中产生的。至关重要的是，这些弱形式的分布本身是由韵律原则决定的，这些原则允许中间韵律位置的语音弱化，但防止初始位置的弱化，这是“域初始强化”的结果(Pierrehumbert &在1992年;Fougeron和事务所;音箱;基廷1997;贝克曼1998;Keating et al. 2004;白色,amp;2010年土耳其人)。
{"title":"Title Pending 8860","authors":"William W Kruger","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8860","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a novel account of the distribution of the null complementizer (C) in English, arguing that the licensing of null C is a case of prosodically conditioned allomorphy (Carstairs 1988, 1990; Paster 2006; Inkelas 2014). The account expands on prior proposals (Bošković & Lasnik 2003, An 2007a-b), observing that environments which prohibit null C all show an obligatory Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary preceding C. In contrast, an obligatory IP boundary does not appear in environments which allow null C. I argue that null C is an allomorph associated with a specific prosodic environment: “medial” position within IP, (…C…). Overt C, on the other hand can appear in “initial” position within IP, (C…). This synchronic account is supported by a diachronic account, tracing how null C arose from phonologically weak overt forms of C (/ðæt/ → /(ð)æt/, /(ð)ət/, /-t/ → Ø). Crucially, the distribution of these weak forms is itself prosodically conditioned by principles which allow phonological weakening in medial prosodic positions but prevent weakening in initial position, a result of “domain-initial strengthening” (Pierrehumbert & Talkin 1992; Fougeron & Keating 1997; Beckman 1998; Keating et al. 2004; White & Turk 2010).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper constitutes an empirical investigation into the diachrony of clitic climbing (and consequently restructuring) in French based on data from a novel corpus of legal texts, as well as a theoretical analysis of the loss of this phenomenon from the history of French. We show that clitic climbing was obligatory until the Middle French period, until its eventual loss before the start of the 19th century. Assuming that clitics are φ-heads that AGREE with v, we take restructuring to be monoclausal, despite apparent counterevidence where a subordinator or a Wh-item intervenes. We propose that restructuring is a necessary but not sufficient condition to clitic climbing, the latter depending on whether the upper v-head bears a set of unvalued φ-features. We associate the loss of clitic climbing to the loss of interpolation (i.e. the order [clitic-XP-V]), as we show that both constructions are available when cliticisation is a phonological mechanism only. In Modern French however, clitics are necessarily proclitic and verb-adjacent which indicates that cliticisation is syntactic. Lastly, we propose that French never lost restructuring, but instead it lost most transparency effects associated with it (such as clitic climbing), while retaining others (such as long passives and quantifier climbing).
{"title":"Title Pending 10135","authors":"Marc Olivier, Christina Sevdali, Raffaella Folli","doi":"10.16995/glossa.10135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.10135","url":null,"abstract":"This paper constitutes an empirical investigation into the diachrony of clitic climbing (and consequently restructuring) in French based on data from a novel corpus of legal texts, as well as a theoretical analysis of the loss of this phenomenon from the history of French. We show that clitic climbing was obligatory until the Middle French period, until its eventual loss before the start of the 19th century. Assuming that clitics are φ-heads that AGREE with v, we take restructuring to be monoclausal, despite apparent counterevidence where a subordinator or a Wh-item intervenes. We propose that restructuring is a necessary but not sufficient condition to clitic climbing, the latter depending on whether the upper v-head bears a set of unvalued φ-features. We associate the loss of clitic climbing to the loss of interpolation (i.e. the order [clitic-XP-V]), as we show that both constructions are available when cliticisation is a phonological mechanism only. In Modern French however, clitics are necessarily proclitic and verb-adjacent which indicates that cliticisation is syntactic. Lastly, we propose that French never lost restructuring, but instead it lost most transparency effects associated with it (such as clitic climbing), while retaining others (such as long passives and quantifier climbing).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigated how two different kinds of prominence-induced prosodic strengthening, identificational focus and contrastive focus, are phonetically realized in Seoul Korean. In the experiment, 16 native speakers produced target sentences presented in three different prosodic conditions: default reading, NP1-contrast, and NP2-contrast. The production data presented three crucial characteristics in the phonetic manifestations of prominence-induced prosodic strengthening in Seoul Korean. First, identificational focus gave rise to temporal expansion and pitch enhancement over the constructions under the focus. Second, contrastive focus brought about modification of temporal, pitch, and prosodic structures as well as pre- and post-focus compression. Finally, the two different types of prominence marking interacted with each other; the prosodic realization of contrastive focus overrode the prosodic realization of identificational focus, which was in line with the formal (syntactic) distinction of the two types of focus. To conclude, the current study demonstrates the interplay of information structure and discourse contexts in prosodic strengthening effects induced by prominence, especially in Seoul Korean, which lacks lexical stress and pitch accent.
{"title":"Title Pending 8242","authors":"Dong Jin Kim, Okgi Kim, Hanyong Park","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8242","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigated how two different kinds of prominence-induced prosodic strengthening, identificational focus and contrastive focus, are phonetically realized in Seoul Korean. In the experiment, 16 native speakers produced target sentences presented in three different prosodic conditions: default reading, NP1-contrast, and NP2-contrast. The production data presented three crucial characteristics in the phonetic manifestations of prominence-induced prosodic strengthening in Seoul Korean. First, identificational focus gave rise to temporal expansion and pitch enhancement over the constructions under the focus. Second, contrastive focus brought about modification of temporal, pitch, and prosodic structures as well as pre- and post-focus compression. Finally, the two different types of prominence marking interacted with each other; the prosodic realization of contrastive focus overrode the prosodic realization of identificational focus, which was in line with the formal (syntactic) distinction of the two types of focus. To conclude, the current study demonstrates the interplay of information structure and discourse contexts in prosodic strengthening effects induced by prominence, especially in Seoul Korean, which lacks lexical stress and pitch accent.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we analyze external possessors in Brazilian Portuguese, showing that those realizing Nominative-Case (Nominative-possessors) are not syntactically uniform, varying derivationally. These variations are related to the vP internal structure. In agentive argument structures, Nominative-possessors are licensed in obligatory control configurations. Non-agentive argument structures give rise to raising configurations. In turn, raising configurations are not syntactically uniform either. Unaccusative vPs, differently from inchoative ones, contain a dative position at the vP edge. This position is used as an intermediate landing site for the raised Nominative-possessor. Importantly, a copy of a possessor in this intermediate position alters information structure at LF, having three interpretative effects: (a) affectedness: the possessor is interpreted as being affected by the denoted event, (b) presupposition of existence: the possessor must be an existent entity, and (b) contextual confinement: the possessor-possessum is interpreted as an integral part-whole at the event time.
{"title":"Possessor raising and structural variations within the vP domain","authors":"C. Rodrigues, C. Rodrigues","doi":"10.16995/glossa.9131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.9131","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we analyze external possessors in Brazilian Portuguese, showing that those realizing Nominative-Case (Nominative-possessors) are not syntactically uniform, varying derivationally. These variations are related to the vP internal structure. In agentive argument structures, Nominative-possessors are licensed in obligatory control configurations. Non-agentive argument structures give rise to raising configurations. In turn, raising configurations are not syntactically uniform either. Unaccusative vPs, differently from inchoative ones, contain a dative position at the vP edge. This position is used as an intermediate landing site for the raised Nominative-possessor. Importantly, a copy of a possessor in this intermediate position alters information structure at LF, having three interpretative effects: (a) affectedness: the possessor is interpreted as being affected by the denoted event, (b) presupposition of existence: the possessor must be an existent entity, and (b) contextual confinement: the possessor-possessum is interpreted as an integral part-whole at the event time.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73361464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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