Revolution Without Reform? A Critique of Egypt's Election Laws

IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW George Washington Law Review Pub Date : 2012-08-24 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.2026475
Sahar F. Aziz
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

This paper compares the laws before and after the revolution to determine whether the changes implemented are sufficient to produce the structural reforms Egyptians demand. This paper concludes that Egyptian elections processes and institutions remain insufficiently transparent, fail to produce results reflecting the diversity within Egyptian society, and fail to offer all Egyptians, especially women and religious minorities, an equal opportunity to actively participate in governance of their country.The paper critically assesses recent changes in Egypt’s electoral regime and considers whether Egypt had a revolution without reform. The thesis is twofold. First, the limited reforms made to election laws post-revolution are insufficient to produce the sustainable and meaningful democracy sought by Egyptians. Existing post-revolution laws fail to create transparent and independent processes that facilitate a level playing field among candidates and voter confidence in election outcomes. Second, the post-revolution amendments worsen prospects for Egyptian women and Coptic Christians to be elected to office, thereby further marginalizing them in the public sphere. Such adverse consequences are troubling in light of the significant contributions women and Egyptian Coptic Christians made to the revolution. In this early stage of the post-revolutionary phase, there is reason for cautious optimism. While Egyptian election laws have been amended for the better since the revolution, more legislative reforms are needed to ensure that future elections are fair, free, and accessible to all Egyptians. Sound election laws are the bedrock of a democracy insofar as they ensure that a dominant party does not extend its rule against the will of the people. As witnessed with the National Democratic Party (NDP) under the Mubarak regime, laws can be manipulated to guarantee certain electoral outcomes benefitting the dominant party. In the end, Egypt is at the initial stages of a protracted transition from entrenched authoritarianism to democracy uniquely tailored to Egyptian cultural and religious norms. One year after its historic revolution, Egyptians have made great strides toward that common goal. Whether post-revolution reforms will be structural and produce a complete upheaval of a corrupt political system, as called for by most Egyptians, or merely superficial changes under the false guise of reform will determine the success of this transition. While it is still too soon to predict the outcome, one thing is quite clear - future political leaders who seek to impose authoritarianism do so at their own peril.
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没有改革的革命?埃及选举法批判
本文比较了革命前后的法律,以确定实施的变化是否足以产生埃及人要求的结构改革。本文的结论是,埃及的选举程序和制度仍然不够透明,未能产生反映埃及社会多样性的结果,也未能为所有埃及人,特别是妇女和宗教少数群体,提供积极参与国家治理的平等机会。这篇论文批判性地评估了埃及选举制度最近的变化,并考虑了埃及是否发生了一场没有改革的革命。这个论点是双重的。首先,革命后对选举法进行的有限改革不足以产生埃及人所寻求的可持续和有意义的民主。现有的革命后法律未能创造透明和独立的程序,以促进候选人之间的公平竞争,并提高选民对选举结果的信心。其次,革命后的修正案恶化了埃及妇女和科普特基督徒当选公职的前景,从而进一步边缘化了他们在公共领域的地位。鉴于妇女和埃及科普特基督徒对革命作出的重大贡献,这种不利后果令人不安。在后革命阶段的这个早期阶段,我们有理由保持谨慎乐观。虽然埃及的选举法自革命以来得到了改善,但还需要进行更多的立法改革,以确保未来的选举公平、自由,并让所有埃及人都能参加。健全的选举法是民主的基石,因为它们确保一个占主导地位的政党不会违背人民的意愿扩大其统治。正如穆巴拉克政权下的国家民主党(NDP)所见证的那样,法律可以被操纵,以保证某些选举结果有利于主导政党。最后,埃及正处于从根深蒂固的威权主义向适合埃及文化和宗教规范的民主过渡的漫长阶段。在历史性革命一年后,埃及人朝着这一共同目标迈进了一大步。革命后的改革是否会像大多数埃及人所呼吁的那样是结构性的,并对腐败的政治体系产生彻底的剧变,还是仅仅是在改革的幌子下进行表面的改变,将决定这次过渡的成功。虽然现在预测结果还为时过早,但有一件事是相当明确的——未来寻求推行威权主义的政治领导人这样做是在自担风险。
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