古代晚期环境变化的轮廓和人类的反应

K. Harper
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摘要

在他的权威著作《大转变:中世纪晚期世界的气候、疾病和社会》中,布鲁斯·坎贝尔以惊人的细节追溯了从公元1270年代到1350年代欧亚大陆西部的环境危机的发展过程。从公元1270年代开始,被称为中世纪气候异常的有利气候制度逐渐结束,更冷、更多变的气候到来了。生存危机变得更加普遍。动物传染病在整个大陆范围内摧毁了畜群。然后,一个脆弱的社会遭遇了有史以来最严重的生物灾难——黑死病。详细而关键的工作往往只是证实甚至向上修正最糟糕的死亡率估计。第一波流感大流行可能夺去了欧洲50%的人口。2环境危机在整个旧世界建立了新的经济、人口和地缘政治平衡。考虑到上古时代晚期也是全球气候发生重大变化的时期,并遭受了导致黑死病的同一种生物制剂的引入,坎贝尔的研究对我们这些在第一个千年的田地里工作的人来说是具有挑战性的我们只能羡慕中世纪晚期厚得多的文献记录,但从这些动态的环境历史时期的相似和不同中,我们可以得到什么教训呢?我在这里只强调三点。首先,坎贝尔的叙述是丰富的,因为它从长远的角度出发,在危机发生几个世纪之前就开始了。在中世纪鼎盛时期(约公元1000年至1270年),环境是一种“有利”的力量,提高了农业生产力,促进了人口增长。因此,在早期罗马帝国有利气候的背景下,古代晚期也经历了一个长期的强化阶段。下面,我将指出,公元2世纪中期标志着一个拐点;一场不可逆转的危机的开始没有那么戏剧性
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Contours of Environmental Change and Human Response in Late Antiquity
In his magisterial book, The Great Transition: Climate, Disease and Society in the Late-Medieval World, Bruce Campbell traces in remarkable detail the progress of an environmental crisis that unfolded from the ca. AD 1270s to the 1350s across western Eurasia.1 From the AD 1270s, the favourable climate regime known as the Medieval Climate Anomaly sputtered to an end, and a colder, more variable climate arrived. Subsistence crises became more common. Animal panzootics devastated livestock herds on a continental scale. And then, upon a fragile society fell the worst biological disaster in recorded history, the Black Death. Detailed, critical work has tended only to confirm or even revise upwards the worst mortality estimates. The first wave of the pandemic might have killed ca. 50% of the entire population of Europe.2 The environmental crisis established a new economic, demographic, and geopolitical equilibrium across the old world. Given that Late Antiquity was also a period of major change in the global climate, and suffered from the introduction of the same biological agent that caused the Black Death, Campbell’s study is provocative for those of us who labour in the fields of the 1st millennium.3 We can only envy the much thicker documentary record of the Late Middle Ages, but what lessons might be drawn from the parallels and differences between these dynamic periods of environmental history? I would highlight just three points here. First, Campbell’s account is enriched because it takes a long perspective, launching centuries before the crisis. During the ‘efflorescence’ of the High Middle Ages, from ca. AD 1000–1270, the environment was an ‘enabling’ force, enhancing agrarian productivity and facilitating demographic increase. So, too, the period of Late Antiquity followed a long phase of intensification, against the background of a favourable climate in the early Roman empire. Below, I will suggest that the middle of the 2nd c. AD marked a point of inflection; not the onset of an irreversible crisis quite as dramatic
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