美国劳工协会的英美劳工史

Judith R. Walkowitz, Daniel J. Walkowitz
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摘要

在我们被要求报道的三次美国心脏协会关于工人阶级历史的会议中,有两次比第三次要成功得多。其中一个是关于“工人阶级政治文化”的会议,其中包含了艾伦·道利和保罗·法尔合著的一篇特别重要的文章,在其他地方有详细的讨论。*在剩下的两节课中,保罗和西娅·汤普森(英国埃塞克斯大学)关于维多利亚晚期和爱德华七世时期英国口述历史项目的演讲表现出色。“英国和美国的工作和工业纪律”小组却没有。David Montgomery(匹兹堡)主持了关于工作-时间纪律的会议,并巧妙地将讨论焦点集中在Edward Thompson在其颇具影响力的文章《时间、工作和工业资本主义》中提出的工业资本主义改变前工业时代工作节奏的方式上。然后,小组将尝试在三个不同的背景下审视这一过程:大萧条时期的波多黎各;美国近代史上美国妇女不断变化的时间表和工作模式;维多利亚时代晚期伦敦郊外工人阶级的休闲活动。然而,这些论文的分析不仅没有汤普森严谨的理论例子,而且扩展的陈述也没有留下时间进行比较讨论。蒙哥马利总结了汤普森的研究,并对其他论文作了简要介绍,然后讨论了美国产业工人为控制自己的工作生活而采取的方法。“工业时间创造了对雇主价值观的非自发的、普遍的服从……相反,“限时制”和八小时工作制反映了工人们对合理、现代的工作和时间分配的观念。虽然蒙哥马利提供了一个概述,但其他论文未能成功地解决工作和时间纪律的理论含义。Blanca Silvestrini(波多黎各大学)就“波多黎各妇女在农村工业中的工作模式”作了发言。西尔韦斯特里尼提出了一些有趣的材料,内容涉及20世纪30年代波多黎各工人的家庭经济,以及妇女在社区中组织工会和维护公共存在的努力,但她忽略了将她的论点与更大的历史辩论联系起来,即妇女的工作、她们的公共角色和她们在家庭中的权力之间的关系。同样,皇后学院的Joanne Vanek在她关于“已婚(美国)女性的时间安排和工作模式”的讨论中,抨击了传统的假设,即节省劳动力的设备可以解放女性进入劳动力市场。从妇女在家庭中的有偿劳动(即家庭劳动)的转变。她认为,计件工作(寄宿生)与家庭以外的有偿劳动相比,成本更低
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Anglo-American Labor History at the AHA
Of the three AHA sessions on working-class history we have been asked to report on, two were remarkably more successful than the third. One of those two, the session on "Working Class Political Culture" containing the especially important essay coauthored by Alan Dawley and Paul Faler, is discussed at length elsewhere.* Of the remaining two sessions, Paul and Thea Thompson's (Essex University, England) presentation of their oral history project on late Victorian and Edwardian England excelled. The panel on "Work and Industrial Discipline in Britain and America" did not. David Montgomery (Pittsburgh) chaired the session on Work-Time-Discipline and ably attempted to focus the panel on the ways Edward Thompson, in his influential article "Time, Work, and Industrial Capitalism," has suggested industrial capitalism transformed pre-industrial work rhythms. The panel would, then, try to view this process in three different settings: Puerto Rico in the Great Depression: changing time-schedules and work patterns of American women in recent United States' history; leisure activities in the late Victorian working class outside London. However, not only did these papers' analysis fall short of Thompson's rigorous theoretical example, but the extended presentations did not leave time for comparative discussion. Montgomery summarized Thompson, tried to give a brief introduction to the other papers, and then discussed the methods adopted by American industrial workers to assert control over their working life. "Industrial time had created not spontaneous, universal obedience to the employers' values . . . :" rather "the stint" and the eight-hour day reflected the workers' concept of a rational, modern distribution of work and time. While Montgomery provided an overview, the rest of the papers failed to address themselves successfully to the theoretical implications of work and timediscipline. Blanca Silvestrini (University of Puerto Rico) spoke on "Work Patterns of Puerto Rican Women in the Rural Industries." Silvestrini presented some interesting material on the family economy of Puerto Rican workers in the 1930s and women's efforts to unionize and assert a public presence in their community, but she neglected to connect her argument with the larger historical debate on the relationship among women's work, their public role, and their power within the family. Similarly, Joanne Vanek (Queens College) in her discussion of "Time Schedules and Work Patterns of Married [American] Women," attacked the conventional assumption that labor-saving devices freed women to enter the workforce. The shift from women's paid labor inside the household (ie. piecework, boarders), she argued, to paid labor outside the household was achieved at the cost of less
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