Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History最新文献

英文中文

Lives of Labor: Work in a Maturing Industrial Society 《劳动的生活:成熟工业社会中的工作

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015702

D. Montgomery, P. Stearns

引用次数: 15

International Approaches to the Study of Labor History 劳工史研究的国际方法

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015623

M. Nishikawa, Yukio Tominaga

Huataja, Lauri/Hentila, Seppo/Kalela, Jorma/Kettunen, Pauli/Saarinen, Hannes/Turtola, Jussi (all Helsinki): Die finnische Volksfrontpolitik und ihre Aktions-voraussetzungen in den 30er Jahren. Holtmann, Eberhard (Erlangen): Einheitsfront, Volksfront, Anti-nationalsozialistische Allianz. Perspektiven und Probleme der illegalen Arbeiteropposition in Osterreich 1933 bis 1938. Callesen, Gerd/Christiansen, Niels Finn/Srensen, Curt (Denmark): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale (bis zum 1. Weltkrieg). Tych, Feliks (Warsaw): Klassenkampf und nationale Frage in der Zeit der II. Internationale. Mommsen, Hans (Bochum): Sozialistische Arbeiterbewegung und nationale Frage in der Periode der I. und II. Internationale. Lunjow, Ivan (Moscow): Einige Aspekte des Klassenkampfes und die nationale Frage in der Periode der II. Internationale.

关注30年代芬兰的国民阵线政策和行动纲领。霍特曼，埃贝哈特，联合阵线，反国家社会主义联盟1933至1938年的奥地利非法劳工反对派的观点和问题。应声者，Gerd/克里斯琴，niel芬兰人/Srensen, Curt (Denmark):第二次世界大战时的阶级斗争和国家问题。国际性的文章世界大战).泰奇、费利斯(沃思):阶级斗争和第二代的国家问题。国际.曼森，汉斯(波鸿):社会主义工人运动和在第一和第二时期的国家问题。国际.伦切夫，伊万(莫斯科):阶级斗争的某些方面和在第二次世界大战期间的国家问题。国际.

引用次数: 0

On Involving Labor in Labor Studies 论劳动研究中的劳动问题

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015647

S. M. Miller

引用次数: 0

Theodore Zeldin, FRANCE 1848–1945, Vol. 1: Ambition, Love and Politics . (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), vii + 823 pp. 西奥多·泽尔丁，法国1848-1945，第一卷:野心、爱情和政治。(伦敦:牛津大学出版社，1973)，7 + 823页。

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015756

William Jannen

minated in the New Constitution of the party which was promulgated in 1918. But it is in the consideration of his third argument concerning ideology and class consciousness that the weakness of Dr. McKibbon's essentially institutional analysis shows through. The most controversial element in the New Constitution was Clause Four, urging collective ownership of the means of production and democratic control of industry. The author is no doubt right to reemphasize that Jimmy Thomas, Havelock Wilson and other right-wing trade union leaders, as ardent patriots in the war, were basically opposed to collectivism as an ideology. He may well also be right to point out that they accepted Clause Four reluctantly as the price they had to pay in order to maintain control of the Labour Party. But it is going too far to suggest that Clause Four was inserted simply "as a sop to the professional bourgeoisie" (p. 97). After all it was not primarily Fabian or other middle class radical votes which swelled the Labour total in the December 1918 election from a pre-war figure of half a million to 2,374,000. It was the votes of hundreds of thousands of ordinary workingmen who had been disaffected by a multiplicity of factors war-weariness, inflation, strikes, the Irish upheaval, Bolshevism, perhaps even the ongoing religious decline of Nonconformity which Dr. McKibbon's largely institutional analysis by definition cannot touch. The difficulty comes out most clearly in what the author regards as his "paradoxical" conclusion that "one of the most highly class-conscious working classes in the world produced a party whose appeal was intended to be classless". This is only a paradox if one neglects to recognize the fact that most trade union leaders are likely to be economist in their outlook most of the time, and then assumes the motivation of the rank-and-file to be identical to that of the leaders. On the scanty evidence of the failure of the Daily Herald to succeed as a mass, socialist paper, Dr. McKibbon concludes that the British working classes were incapable of being aroused by a genuinely class-conscious form of appeal. This not only makes it extremely difficult to explain just why the Labour vote jumped so dramatically in the coupon election of 1918. It also ignores the kind of detailed, cultural analysis of the constituent elements of working class consciousness which John Foster attempted in his Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution, without which the kind of conclusions to which Dr. McKibbon comes can only be taken on trust.

在1918年颁布的党的新章程中被废除。但是，正是在考虑他关于意识形态和阶级意识的第三个论点时，麦基本博士本质上的制度分析的弱点显露无遗。新宪法中最具争议的是第四条，它敦促生产资料的集体所有制和对工业的民主控制。作者再次强调吉米·托马斯、哈夫洛克·威尔逊和其他右翼工会领导人，作为战争中的热心爱国者，基本上反对集体主义作为一种意识形态，这无疑是正确的。他也很可能正确地指出，他们不情愿地接受了第四条，因为这是他们为了保持对工党的控制而必须付出的代价。但是，如果认为第四条的加入只是“为了安抚职业资产阶级”(第97页)，那就太过分了。毕竟，在1918年12月的选举中，工党的总票数从战前的50万增加到237.4万，主要不是费边派或其他中产阶级激进分子的选票。这是成千上万的普通工人的选票，他们对厌战、通货膨胀、罢工、爱尔兰动乱、布尔什维克主义，甚至可能是持续不断的宗教不一致性的衰落感到不满，而这些都是麦基本博士根据定义进行的主要制度分析所无法触及的。最明显的困难体现在作者认为“自相矛盾”的结论中，即“世界上最具阶级意识的工人阶级之一产生了一个政党，其吸引力旨在成为无阶级的”。如果人们忽视了这样一个事实，即大多数工会领导人在大多数时候都可能是经济学家，然后假设普通员工的动机与领导人的动机相同，那么这只是一个悖论。鉴于《每日先驱报》未能成为一份成功的社会主义大众报纸的不足之处，麦基本博士得出结论，英国工人阶级无法被一种真正具有阶级意识的呼吁形式所唤起。这不仅使我们极其难以解释为什么工党的选票在1918年的券票选举中如此戏剧性地跃升。它也忽略了约翰·福斯特在他的《阶级斗争与工业革命》一书中对工人阶级意识构成要素进行的细致的文化分析，没有这些分析，麦基本博士得出的结论只能是可信的。

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引用次数: 0

International Congress of the Historical Sciences 国际历史科学大会

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015604

Jean T. Joughin

On August 22-29 there met in San Francisco the International Congress of the Historical Sciences, the fourteenth of these every-five-year gatherings held under the auspices of the International Committee of Historical Sciences, a body run by a multi-national bureau and managed by a secretary-general whose office is in Paris. Never before had one of these congresses been held outside Continental Europe, a fact that may account for the smaller than usual attendance figure — around 1400, but a fact that may also explain the participation by delegates from the largest ever number of countries around 60. Despite a program that promised some sessions of particular interest to the historian of European labor and working class history three afternoons, for example, devoted to the question of reform and revolution in 20th-century labor movements the congress itself was a disappointment. On the purely mechanical side, the prescribed format for these congresses inhibited both flexibility in program-planning and spontaneity in discussion. Thus, the fifteen-minute oral summaries of papers the texts of which one had rarely been able to read beforehand, the often extended commentaries by the "experts" on the program, and the succession of mini-commentaries from the floor for which each speaker registered his name all these created a rather stilted, discontinuous exchange. But the substantive side of the sessions was more distressing than the mechanical, for in very short order they became frankly politicized and were marked by overt east-west conflict reminiscent of the 1950's. In one instance, an interestingly entitled session on "Economic Aspects of Societies Undergoing Industrial Development (XVIII-XIX Centuries)" became a battle over the current relevance of the doctrine-according-to-Lenin and the loaded question of the U.S.S.R. today as a major imperialist power because of a straight-forward, scholarly paper on "European Finance-Imperialism before 1914." In general, attendance at the sessions tended to be on the thin side, although the discussion generated by a French team's hundred pages of collected essays on the "Rights of Man" held many attenders against competition in the same time slot from an ensemble of the San Francisco Symphony playing in ultra-modern St. Mary's Cathedral. The single paper of most immediate interest to members of the Study Group was that of E. J. Hobsbawm, simply called "Revolution," explicitly concerned with "...revolutions as incidents in macro-historical change, i.e. as 'breaking-points' in systems under growing tension, and with the consequences of this particular form of rupture... " (pp 2-3.) Stimulating though Hobsbawm's summarizing remarks made at the congress were and no limiting him to fifteen minutes! it is to the printed text of the paper, with its seven pages of references that one must turn fully to appreciate his contribution. At the congress's end the consensus seemed to be that much of its value had been on the f

8月22日至29日，在旧金山召开了国际历史科学大会，这是由国际历史科学委员会主办的每五年一次的第14次会议。国际历史科学委员会是一个由多国局运作的机构，由秘书长管理，秘书长的办公室设在巴黎。这些大会以前从未在欧洲大陆以外的地方举行过，这一事实可能解释了出席人数比平常少的原因——大约1400人，但这一事实也可能解释了来自60个国家的代表参加的情况，这是有史以来最多的。尽管有一项计划，承诺会有一些特别有趣的会议，让研究欧洲劳工和工人阶级历史的历史学家感兴趣，例如，有三个下午专门讨论20世纪劳工运动中的改革和革命问题，但大会本身令人失望。从纯粹的机械方面来说，这些大会的规定形式既限制了方案规划的灵活性，也限制了讨论的自发性。因此，十五分钟的论文口头总结(事先很少能读到)，节目“专家”们的冗长评论，以及每位发言者登记的连续简短评论——所有这些都造成了一种相当生硬、断断续续的交流。但是，会议的实质性方面比机械方面更令人痛苦，因为在很短的时间内，会议变得坦率地政治化，并以公然的东西方冲突为标志，让人想起20世纪50年代。例如，一个有趣的题为“经历工业发展的社会的经济方面(十八世纪至十九世纪)”的会议，由于一篇直截了当的学术论文“1914年前的欧洲金融帝国主义”，变成了一场关于列宁学说和今天苏联作为主要帝国主义强国的沉重问题的当前相关性的战斗。总的来说，参加会议的人往往不多，尽管一个法国团队的100页关于“人权”的论文集引起了许多与会者的讨论，与在超现代的圣玛丽大教堂(St. Mary’s Cathedral)演奏的旧金山交响乐团(San Francisco Symphony)合奏团在同一时间段竞争。研究小组成员最直接感兴趣的一篇论文是e·j·霍布斯鲍姆的论文，简称为“革命”，明确涉及“……革命作为宏观历史变化中的事件，即作为日益紧张的体系中的“突破点”，以及这种特殊形式的破裂的后果……(第2-3页)。霍布斯鲍姆在大会上所作的总结虽然令人振奋，但却没有把他限制在15分钟之内!这篇论文有七页的参考文献，人们必须完全理解他的贡献。在大会结束时，人们似乎一致认为，大会的大部分价值都是在与远近同事的闲聊中体现出来的。令人高兴的是，现在作为事件的代表大会已经结束了，留下了数千页由杰出和不那么杰出的历史学家撰写的综合了最近学术成果的文章，供人们平静地研究。

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引用次数: 0

Fourth Annual Meeting Study Group on European Labor and Working Class History 第四届欧洲劳工和工人阶级历史研究小组年会

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0097852300015598

引用次数: 0

Round Table on Labor and Economic Change 劳动和经济变化圆桌会议

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015635

L. Tilly

引用次数: 0

Working Class Culture in Germany: A Review Essay 德国工人阶级文化:一篇评论文章

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547900015696

W. Schieder

For all the broadening of research into the modern working class during the last ten years, little work has appeared on the working class within European culture. While scholars have made the commonsense discovery that workers had their own lives to lead as well as unions and parties to advance, few have explored the ways in which working-class people amused themselves or related to cultural institutions. The Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte has fortunately devoted most of its hefty 768 page volume for 1974 (Bonn: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft) to this subject. Almost half of its space comprises reviews (interesting topical ones, luckily enough), but seven of its nine articles concern cultural dimensions of German socialism between 1914 and 1933. Hanno Mbbius explores the One-Mark Novels, Christoph Rtilcker the literary coverage of Vorwarts, and Rolf Busch worker poets during World War One. Herbert Scherer discusses the socialist theater movement, Horst Ueberhorst workers' sports, Vernon L. Lidtke workers' songs and Ulrich Linse investigates the socialist student revolution of 1918-1919. Also included are articles by Wolfgang Schieder on the Trier Pilgrimage of 1844 and by Jens Flemming on farm workers' organizations. The significance of the seven articles for the development of German Social Democracy must be seen through the particular dynamics of the social history of culture. This field has emerged as a spin-off from work in other fields not just on culture itself but also on politics and society in general — and has suffered from the derivative nature of such interests. Too often historians have viewed the social structure of a cultural field only insofar as it related to one of these other lines of study, and the result has been some serious misconceptions and enormous gaps of knowledge. Little work of any depth has been done on audiences theatrical, literary, musical or on the institutional structures of the arts. Books abound on the press's reactions to events but what do we know about the internal workings of newspapers or the people who read them? Especially frustrating has been the indifference of cultural historians to the occupational bases and social roles of artists, for many studies leave one guessing just how these figures earned their living. Finally, the analytical tools used on many cultural topics are frequently laiden with heavy assumptions and value judgements which obscure more than they dissect. Culture has always been dear to historians' hearts, and they therefore have too often approached it with clumsily affectionate hands. The articles in the Archiv are successful primarily in the last respect: analytical distance. The authors share a revisionistic perspective of a Marxist sort which provides them a healthy skepticism toward the so powerful cultural tradition of the 19th century a tradition they show social democrats accepted pretty completely and communists found themselves powerless to change. Linse, Mbbius, and RUlcher parti

近十年来，对现代工人阶级的研究越来越广泛，但关于欧洲文化中的工人阶级的研究却很少。虽然学者们有一个常识性的发现，即工人们有自己的生活要过，也有工会和政党要前进，但很少有人探索工人阶级是如何自娱自乐的，或者是如何与文化机构建立联系的。幸运的是，社会科学档案馆(archiiv fur Sozialgeschichte)在其1974年768页的厚卷中(波恩:Verlag Neue Gesellschaft)的大部分内容都是关于这个主题的。几乎一半的篇幅都是评论(幸运的是有趣的话题)，但九篇文章中有七篇是关于1914年至1933年间德国社会主义的文化维度。汉诺·姆比乌斯探讨了“一马克小说”，克里斯托夫·里蒂尔克探讨了“前进报”的文学报道，以及罗尔夫·布希在第一次世界大战期间的工人诗人。赫伯特·谢勒讨论了社会主义戏剧运动，霍斯特·尤伯霍斯特工人运动，弗农·l·利特克工人歌曲，乌尔里希·林斯调查了1918-1919年的社会主义学生革命。还包括由沃尔夫冈席德在1844年的特里尔朝圣和延斯弗莱明对农场工人组织的文章。七条对于德国社会民主党发展的意义，必须通过社会文化史的特殊动态来看待。这一领域不仅是在文化领域，而且在政治和整个社会领域，作为其他领域工作的副产品而出现的，并受到这些利益的衍生性质的影响。历史学家常常只把某一文化领域的社会结构与其他研究领域的某一学科联系起来看待它，其结果是产生了一些严重的误解和巨大的知识空白。关于观众、戏剧、文学、音乐或艺术的制度结构，几乎没有深入的研究。关于媒体对事件的反应的书有很多，但我们对报纸的内部运作或读者了解多少呢?尤其令人沮丧的是，文化历史学家对艺术家的职业基础和社会角色漠不关心，因为许多研究让人猜测这些人物是如何谋生的。最后，在许多文化主题上使用的分析工具经常被沉重的假设和价值判断所覆盖，这些假设和价值判断掩盖了比它们剖析的更多的东西。文化在历史学家的心中一直是珍贵的，因此他们常常用笨拙的深情之手来接近它。档案中的文章主要在最后一个方面取得了成功:分析距离。作者分享了一种马克思主义的修正主义观点，这使他们对19世纪如此强大的文化传统持一种健康的怀疑态度，他们表明社会民主主义者完全接受了这种传统，而共产主义者发现自己无力改变。林斯、姆比乌斯和鲁切尔在讨论社会民主主义和共产主义作家对欧洲文化中资产阶级定义的个人主义的态度时，尤其运用了技巧娴熟、不具争议性的概念工具。令人耳目一新的是，几乎所有的撰稿人都很少沉溺于令人绝望的言辞，也很少把严格的社会分类强加于他们的研究对象。然而，这些文章在讨论作家的专业基础方面是最薄弱的。这些人物在书中经常以默默无闻的理论家的身份出现，因为人们很少能找到他们的职业或职业模式的简短引用。即使这类信息很少，零零碎碎的信息也可以加起来形成实质性的东西。这样的分析本可以起到更大的作用

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引用次数: 0

Peter N. Stearns, Lives of Labor: Work in a Maturing Industrial Society (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1975), 424 pp. Peter N. Stearns，《劳动生活:成熟工业社会中的工作》(纽约:Holmes and Meier出版社，1975)，424页。

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0097852300015707

E. Shorter

引用次数: 0

The Annual International Labor History Conference (ITH) 国际劳工史年会(ITH)

Newsletter, European Labor and Working Class History

Pub Date : 1975-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547900015611

Ronan Fanning

Communist Parties." Antoni Czubinski, (Poland), "Revolution oder Reform in Mitteleuropa im XX. Jahrundert." A. I. Danilov, et. al., (U.S.S.R.), "History and Society." Tibor Erenyi, (Budapest), "Sozialistische Revolution und Burgerlich-Demokratische Reform in der Arbeiterbewegung der Zerfallenden Osterreich-Ungarischen Monarchic" Ronan Fanning, (Ireland), "Leadership and Transition from the Politics of Revolution to the Politics of Party: The Example of Ireland 1914-1939." Erich Gruner, (Switzerland), "The Labor Movement in Switzerland Confronted by the Question: Reform or Revolution." E. J. Hobsbawm, (England), "Revolution." Chr. R. Jansen and Erik Korr Johansen, (Denmark), "The Study of Unemployment. Remarks based on Unemployment Research in 19th Century Denmark." Janos Jemnitz, (Budapest), "Revolution and Reform in the West European Parties of the Second International." Jlirgen Kocka, (Federal Republic of Germany), "The Problem of Democracy and the Lower Middle Classes in the First Third of the 20th Century: Some Results and Perspectives of Research." E. Kolb, (Federal Republic of Germany), "Die Deutsche Arbeiterbewegung vor der Frage: Reform oder Revolution, 1914-1919." Val R. Lorwin, (U.S.A.), "The Red and the Black: Socialist and Christian Labor Organization in Western Europe."

共产党。”Antoni Czubinski，(波兰)，《中欧的革命秩序改革》。Jahrundert。”A. I. Danilov等人，(苏联)，《历史与社会》。Tibor Erenyi，(布达佩斯)，“社会主义革命与德国民主改革在德国的革命与民主改革”，Ronan Fanning，(爱尔兰)，“领导与从革命政治到政党政治的过渡:以1914-1939年的爱尔兰为例”。埃里希·格鲁纳，(瑞士)，《面临问题的瑞士劳工运动:改革还是革命》。霍布斯鲍姆(英国)，《革命》。空空的。R. Jansen和Erik Korr Johansen，(丹麦)，《失业研究》。基于19世纪丹麦失业研究的评论。Janos Jemnitz，(布达佩斯)，“第二国际西欧政党的革命与改革”。Jlirgen Kocka，(德意志联邦共和国)，“20世纪前三分之一时期的民主与中下层阶级问题:一些研究结果和观点”。E. Kolb，(德意志联邦共和国)，《Die Deutsche Arbeiterbewegung vor der Frage:改革秩序革命，1914-1919》。瓦尔·r·洛温，(美国)，《红与黑:西欧的社会主义和基督教劳工组织》。

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