州最高法院选举的复杂事务:一个经验的视角

Michael Heise
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摘要

司法选举的支持者强调现有的第一修正案的判例,以及公共选举产生的州法官和其他公共选举产生的州官员之间的相似性。反对者强调司法竞选捐款的腐蚀作用,包括它们可能不当地影响司法结果。包括乔安娜·谢泼德(Joanna Shepherd)教授在内的司法选举批评人士使用了2010年至2012年间全美50个州最高法院裁决的2345起与商业有关的案件的综合数据集,强调了存在偏见的可能性,并发现商业来源给州最高法院大法官候选人的竞选捐款与法官亲商业的投票相吻合。虽然谢泼德的主要发现在很大程度上经得起重复的努力,但额外的(和替代的)分析引入了新的发现,这些发现给谢泼德强有力的规范性主张带来了复杂的皱纹。本研究的结果表明,影响司法结果的努力并非商业利益的专属领域。也就是说,来自非(和“反”)商业利益的司法竞选捐款增加了法官投票支持非商业利益的可能性。因此,对司法选举的批评不能完全依靠商业利益的影响。此外,商业和非商业利益都可以通过竞选捐款指向不同(可能相互冲突)的规范方向,成功地影响司法结果。一方面,即使人们同意司法部门在评估竞选捐款的适当作用方面与政治和行政部门有质的不同,但任何利益集团(愿意投入竞选捐款)都有可能影响司法结果,这使对司法选举的批评复杂化。另一方面,同样的实证发现也似乎加强了对司法选举的批评,特别是对那些认为司法领域与其他政治领域不同的人来说。
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The Complicated Business of State Supreme Court Elections: An Empirical Perspective
Proponents of judicial elections emphasize existing First Amendment jurisprudence as well as the similarities linking publicly-elected state judges and other publicly-elected state officials. Opponents emphasize judicial campaign contributions’ corrosive effects, including their potential to unduly influence judicial outcomes. Using a comprehensive data set of 2,345 business-related cases decided by state supreme courts across all 50 states between 2010-12, judicial election critics, including Professor Joanna Shepherd, emphasize the potential for bias and find that campaign contributions from business sources to state supreme court justice candidates corresponded with justices’ pro-business votes. While Shepherd’s main findings largely withstand replication efforts, additional (and alternative) analyses introduce new findings that present complicating wrinkles to Shepherd’s strong normative claims. Findings from this study illustrate that efforts to influence judicial outcomes are not the exclusive domain of business interests. That is, judicial campaign contributions from non- (and “anti-“) business interests increase the probability of justices’ votes favoring non-business interests. As a result, critiques of judicial elections cannot properly rely exclusively on the influence of business interests. Moreover, both business and non-business interests can successfully influence judicial outcomes through campaign contributions point in different (and possibly conflicting) normative directions. On the one hand, even if one agrees that the judicial branch qualitatively differs from the political and executive branches in terms of assessing campaign contributions’ proper role, that the potential to influence judicial outcomes is available to potentially any interest group (willing to invest campaign contributions) complicates critiques of judicial elections. On the other hand, the same empirical finding also plausibly strengthens critiques of judicial elections, especially for those who view the judicial domain as distinct from other political domains.
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